Challenges
and reform of the State Intelligence Agency
Beni Sukadis ;
A
national security analyst at the Indonesian Institute of Defense and
Strategic Studies (LESPERSSI) based in Jakarta; He was the recipient of a
fellowship at the National Security Policymaking Institute in Massachusetts,
US in 2013
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JAKARTA
POST, 22 September 2014
President-elect
Joko “Jokowi” Widodo is now busy drafting the Cabinet line-up for his
upcoming administration in October. These days almost everyone talks about
candidates for portfolios such as the foreign, defense and home ministries
etc. But few are discussing the possible candidates for the chief of the
State Intelligence Agency (BIN).
Of course what
is more important is the issue of the reform of the agency itself, and also
how the public can rely on its intelligence in facing extremists, most lately
the Islamic State movement and other threats to national security. Have we
seen progress in the intelligence agency after three years of the 2011
Intelligence Law?
BIN has
transformed its structure from five deputies in five departments into seven
deputies. There is as yet not enough evidence as to whether its performance
is much better than the old one.
There are
three strategies for the reorganization of intelligence according to the
expert Fred Schreier. He wrote in 2010 that these were streamlining for
better effectiveness and efficacy, reorganizing to be a more responsive
institution and redefining its function and responsibility.
The agency
seems to be focused on the second and third strategies. For example, Deputy 5
on covert action and propaganda was dissolved and replaced by Deputy 3 on
counter intelligence.
Thus,
streamlining is not BIN’s priority, as BIN representatives (BINDA) in almost
all 34 provinces have been established. Another issue is whether these local
BIN representatives are competent enough as intelligence officers.
BIN now aims
to recruit more operatives in facing local, national and global challenges.
The range of new recruits annually is between 40 and 60 personnel. Their
minimum academic qualification is an undergraduate degree.
From the
institutional point of view the number of recruits is quite modest, but the
real question is whether they are capable of dealing with the complexity of
new threats from non-state actors such as through cyber attacks and hybrid
warfare.
On the other
side, there has been good training and education for new intelligence
officers. The State Intelligence Institute (STIN) belonging to BIN is used as
a recruiting pool for the best people in the country to become intelligence
officers. This Institute is one source for recruiting intelligence officers.
This is very much welcome progress.
Yet there has
been little progress on the issue of transparency and accountability most
notably since the murder of leading human-rights activist, Munir S. Thalib,
who the court said was killed by a BIN “agent” ten years ago.
Although an
accomplice was sentenced to prison and a BIN deputy was exonerated in court,
the mastermind behind the murder is still unknown. Some people are skeptical
that the case will ever be resolved in the future.
The outgoing
administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is not ready to commit
itself to prosecuting the real mastermind. The culture of secrecy within the
intelligence agency is very deep and there is little commitment from the
current government to resolving it.
The
Intelligence Law stipulates that the legislature has the authority of
oversight over BIN, apart from other agencies. But the House subcommittee for
intelligence has not been established yet. As a consequence, the oversight is
now performed by Commission I which is not sufficient for supervising BIN’s
performance and accountability.
The
performance of BIN, said one retired intelligence officer, could be scored as
“adequate”, in other words, neither good nor bad — meaning that BIN has not
done much to improve its performance.
The
Intelligence Law as a legal framework for overseeing the agency is not being
implemented consequently by the House of Representatives.
Therefore, it
will likely depend very much on the leadership of the new president to speed
up reform of this particular “untouchable” security actor and place the right
man in the right job. ●
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