Tampilkan postingan dengan label Syahrul Hidayat. Tampilkan semua postingan
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Jumat, 26 September 2014

Is the Scottish referendum anything we can learn from?

Is the Scottish referendum anything

we can learn from?

Syahrul Hidayat  ;   A lecturer at the school of political science, University of Indonesia; He is currently an honorary research fellow at the Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter, UK
JAKARTA POST, 24 September 2014

                                                                                                                       
                                                      

After a two-year-long campaign, people in Scotland have decided not to break away from the United Kingdom. While Alex Salmond, the first minister of Scotland’s government, and his supporters could not hide their disappointment with the fact that only 45 percent of the voters said “yes” to independence, it is surely a huge relief for the central government in Westminster.

More than that, many leaders in Western Europe, especially Spain, woke up on Friday morning with big smiles. The torpedo — that is what they called the referendum — was in fact not the cause of fatalities and catastrophes. At last, the problem of central and regional relations did not end up in separation, as was also the case with Quebec in Canada.

As a country with problems between the center and the regions, Indonesia can surely learn a lot from this democratic process.

Despite the differences in practicing democracy, it is clear that Indonesia is a country that has chosen to adopt a democratic process as a replacement for an authoritarian governance under the New Order.

The first lesson is there was a tendency that those who supported independence in the Scottish referendum lived in a relatively deprived condition, especially economically. Glasgow and Dundee are the best example of urban people who expected a new situation in an independent Scotland after experiencing less fortunate living conditions during the ongoing economic crisis.

Aspirations for independence loomed on the grounds that Scots could possibly maximize their money from oil and gas from the North Sea. It was also assumed that elderly and rural people were more in favor of independence.

For Indonesia, it is clear that the idea of separation in certain regions mainly stems from an unfair distribution of revenues from natural resources.

Therefore, to win their hearts and minds the central government could find no other way than to formulate fairer policies that allow local people to profit from the natural resources.

In the case of the UK, the implementation of the welfare state decades ago has clearly been enjoyed by the people, who were then consequently afraid of the uncertainty that may have followed separation from London. It might have included them losing their right to use Sterling and their European Union membership.

That’s why the ‘no’ campaigners led by Alistair Darling offered a road map to give more power to the local government in Edinburgh to formulate better policies for the people. They proposed the tag of “Better Together” to capture the feeling of many.

The message in this case is to entrust local people to develop their capacities to manage the money and formulate policies. Some in Indonesia may be skeptical with this idea, but in fact this is part of the process of developing trust in and guidance from the central government.

As in the UK, welfare state principles are implemented nationally to include tax systems to pay for services in education, health, pensions and benefits.

The local governments receive budgets for infrastructure and a room to collect revenues for local services. As long as the people receive and enjoy benefits from the UK government the idea of separation can be challenged in a peaceful manner.

Second, it is important to maintain a democratic process as a mean of asking the public for approval. Of course, it is absolutely clear that Salmond and other supporters of independence believed in the idea of Scotland being better off without having any relations with London.

In fact, more than 50 percent of the people did not buy the idea.

Therefore, it was not because the idea was not brilliant, but democracy is about what people say and feel.

Although democracy is criticized as inefficient and lacking in details and technical discussions when dealing with the public, it still guarantees that political elites are always in consultation with the public. That is the essence of democracy.

In a mature democracy such as the UK’s, democracy still saves the political arena from the monopoly of a tiny group of politicians, who suspiciously tend to get corrupted if they are given absolute access to power.

The lesson of democracy can be learned from the way politicians responded to the outcome of the referendum. Although believing wholeheartedly that the Scots would choose independence, Salmond was humble enough to say that democracy was to be admired, which means the people’s voices have to be accepted. At the same time, Prime Minister David Cameron expressed his admiration of the ‘yes’ campaign and acknowledged their voice by offering a deliverable devolution agenda and a time table for its implementation.

Can we see the same harmonious situation just a day after the long battle that preceded the 2014 presidential elections in July? As a big country that has survived different regimes, we should share the same attitude of always taking the public’s preferences into account in the political process.

Following such a process, in the form of an election and a public consultation, political elites should respect people’s choices because this is, again, the essence of democracy.

In other words, democracy is not only about winning or losing.

Kamis, 07 Februari 2013

PKS graft case and the loss of moderate Islam in Indonesia


PKS graft case
and the loss of moderate Islam in Indonesia
Syahrul Hidayat  ;   Honorary Research Fellow at the Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter UK and Lecturer at the Department of Political Science, University of Indonesia
JAKARTA POST, 05 Februari 2013


The latest corruption case revealed by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has shocked the country, largely because it involves the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which had no significant record of corruption.

More than that, the case involves one of the most respected symbols of the party; its chairman. Until recently, probity was a very significant selling point for the party in attracting voters. 

Therefore, many believe the KPK arrest of the former PKS chairman Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq marks an end for the party because many of its supporters will abandon the party in the 2014 elections. 

While the possibility of losing credibility is understandable, the possibility of PKS extinction is difficult to accept at least based on the two following arguments. 

The significance of the PKS in Indonesian democracy stretches far beyond the Indonesian border. 

As an Islamic party, it represents the argument that Islamic elements can work in a democracy with few problems. 

As long as it can exist in Indonesian politics it will prove that Bernard Lewis is wrong to argue that Islam is the source of the democratic deficit in the Middle East. 

The Middle East has been seen as the most pertinent example of how Islam can be viewed in relation to democracy and its reputation is not too convincing in the eyes of many scholars, as Lewis argues. The Arab Spring brings a new hope that the fall of authoritarian or semi-totalitarian regimes will be replaced by democratic forces. 

However, after two years of revolution the situation in the region is still in flux. Tunisia has shown positive developments despite a strong challenge from Salafist groups. Libya is still struggling with armed militia groups that will not cede control to the government. 

The most important country during this period, Egypt, has been suffering recently from constitutional deadlock and severe clashes between political groups after a relatively successful presidential election. 

The Freedom and Justice Party, the party of Ikhwanul Muslimin, has had difficulty in steering the democratic transition. It has come in for criticism and has met opposition especially after announcing a decree on Nov. 22 last year that elevated Mohammed Mursi to a seemingly unchallengeable position. 

Although the decree was declared based on the Constitution and was justified as preventing a possible coup and saving the revolution, the fact remains that grabbing all power into his hands, even temporarily, violated democratic standards. 

For Laura Guazzone, non-Arab cases of democracy are worth examination as the best alternative for Islam and democracy. 

Indonesian democracy through the PKS stood a good chance of becoming a reference for the Islamic world in the absence, so far, of a working Islamic party in a relatively stable democracy. 

Many scholars such as James Piscatori and Fawaz Gerges have also mentioned the importance of Indonesia in the discourse on Islam and democracy on many occasions and countries in the Middle East are recommended to look at Indonesian democracy. 

Of course an Indonesian model of democracy without the PKS would obviously dismantle this discourse on Islam and democracy. 

Another reason why the PKS remains important in Indonesian politics is its adaptation to the rules of democracy. The party has changed its initial stance as a relatively conservative Islamic party in the 1999 election under the banner of the PK (Justice Party). 

An insignificant vote encouraged the elites to be more moderate and to move to the center of the Indonesian political spectrum by offering issues relevant to the voting public. 

The election of 2004 was a huge success and the party wanted to develop into becoming a major party. However, the 2009 election saw stagnation as a result of too aggressive moderation driven by some party elites. 

Although the party accepted the result and declared it a success having gained more seats in the House of Representatives, for those within the party elites who planned and drove the approach it could be seen as “a failure” as it lost significant votes in big cities. The PKS is still a middle-ranking party and it has failed to even offer its members a candidate for vice president. 

That process can be seen as evidence that democracy has been influencing the PKS’ position from conservative to more accommodative of people’s preferences. Although it failed to find an appropriate formula in 2009 to achieve the balance between ideology and voters’ demands, the party’s willingness to seek different approaches in the electoral process is a good sign of democracy’s influence. 

This process of democracy’s influence can also be seen following the defeat of its Jakarta gubernatorial candidate Hidayat Nur Wahid last year. After the defeat, the party understood that it needed to make significant efforts to gain public sympathy by maximizing its previous and successful image as a clean party that had been so effective in 2004. 

Therefore, Hidayat was appointed the head of the party’s faction at the House and so far he has tried to be outspoken in the media stressing the party’s integrity. His appointment is a good sign of how the party elites understand the need to consider the public’s preferences despite internal fighting among the party elites.

Before the corruption case involving Luthfi, the influence of democracy worked in PKS and it will be interesting to see the party’s performance in two local elections in North Sumatra and West Java later this year. In this context, there is a “healthy process” within the party of developing its approach toward the democratic process as a whole, pushing the PKS to conduct one of the fundamental elements of moderation: reducing ideological adherence and taking issues of direct concern to the electorate seriously. 

The graft case simply disrupts this ongoing process. It will hinder the ongoing process that works naturally to shape the moderate basis of the PKS if the party then fails to pass the electoral threshold. 

The PKS’ survival is apparently important as evidence that the project of moderation is taking place with the strong support of voters. Otherwise, the argument that democratic means are not worth considering will simply get stronger and this could be transformed into a justification for violence methods. 

Victory in local elections in West Java and North Sumatra will have a significant impact on the party’s confidence ahead of the 2014 election. In order to increase the chances of survival, a radical move to convince the public that corrupt or immoral members and elites have been eliminated from the party is also necessary. 

Presenting its commitment to a more conservative, Islamic image similar to 1999 but with proportionate accommodation of voters’ demands as shown in 2004 is likely to be more effective. 

At this stage, the party’s answer has been to appoint Anis Matta as the chairman in place of Luthfi. Considering Anis’ role in directing the 2009 campaign, it is unlikely that PKS will offer a more “conservative” image and approach to counter the corruption case. He may be influential and respected internally, but the public have preferences that an overly pragmatic political Islam may have difficulties in understanding or appreciating. 

If this premise turns out to be true, in the wider perspective there is a potential loss of Indonesia’s developing model of a system that can shape an Islamic movement within a democratic regime. No matter who has caused this disruption the consequences will be great and may be hard to bear.