Minority groups and Islamic humanitarianism

Minority groups and Islamic humanitarianism Hilman Latief ;   A Lecturer at Muhammadiyah University of Yogyakarta, Director of the Institute for Development and Social Movement Studies

JAKARTA POST, 05 Juli 2013

Indonesian Muslims have been witnessing two contrasting phenomena about humanitarian issues that Islam ironically promotes and upholds. 

First, we have seen the proliferation of humanitarian NGOs working on relief and humanitarian actions in disaster affected areas. A number of faith-based NGOs were founded by various Muslim groups and have worked to provide assistance for man-made and natural disaster victims. The proponents of Muslim NGOs attempt to interpret and materialize the fundamental social and humanitarian issues that Muslims should accomplish, such as providing assistance to those in need, lending a hand to refugees and empowering the disadvantaged groups of society. 

Second, we have also unfortunately witnessed an incident reflecting a different story when minority Shiite Muslims from Sampang in Madura were driven out from their own village several months ago. Then, as displaced people, they were forced to be evacuated for a second time from their refugee camp because of pressure from hard-liners. The already displaced Shia group was forced to leave Madura by 
fellow Muslims. 

One may wonder: What is going on with Indonesia’s Muslims? Or, to borrow Martin van Bruinessen’s expression, where is the smiling Indonesian Islam? Does Islam teach how to protect people in need, refugees and (man-made) disaster victims? More importantly, how is Islam talking about humanitarian issues and how humanitarian principles are conceived by Muslims? 

Of course I do not intend to answer those questions instantly and thoroughly. But I think it is necessary for Indonesian Muslims to rethink and reinterpret their humanitarian views, principles and actions in Indonesia’s plural society. 

More than 1 billion Muslims with distinctive cultures and traditions are found in many parts of the world. Yet until now, in the age of nation states, only a few attempts have been made to formulate Islamic humanitarian principles, which some observers have referred to as “Islamic humanitarian law”, which can become a common ground for Muslims around the globe to take humanitarian action. 

What seems to be intriguing though, in relation to the notion of humanitarianism in contemporary Muslim societies, is the fact that the intricate and ambiguous relationship between the Muslim world and the West remains prevalent. This exacerbates the bid to build a mutual understanding between the two great civilizations. One of the most noticeable examples is the way in which the Muslim world and the West perceive each other and put themselves in opposing positions. 

As a matter of fact, Islamic doctrines of jihad and war still stimulate heated debates in the West. In relation to this, Western “liberal” views and “secular” ideas, including the context of conceiving humanitarian issues, are not entirely accepted by Muslim societies. Western domination in global politics may also weaken the relationship and at the same time may justify “clashes” between the two civilizations. 

The complex relationship between Islam and the West is due to the delicate global geopolitical landscape, where the meaning of humanitarianism is contested. At present, humanitarian issues have been shaped not only by international communities who are active in relief projects, but also new actors (i.e. groups or organizations) whose social and religious backgrounds and political leanings vary. The social and political complexities in national and international arenas have also put the long-held concept of “humanitarian law” in a situation where particular religious and political groups, especially in Muslim countries, may attempt to contest, both discursively and practically, certain claims made in prevailing laws. 

Nearly all countries and humanitarian activists agree to ideas of protecting human dignity and humanitarian activists are often urged to reframe and reinterpret their understanding of humanitarian principles, ethics of war and justice. Senior advisor to the International Committee for the Red Cross Ameur Zemmali, who has studied Muslim perceptions of International Humanitarian Law (ILW), suggests that a number of distinguished Islamic scholars in countries like Pakistan, Yemen, Morocco, Jordan and Iran apparently become aware of the necessity to incorporate the spirit of Islamic law into a broader context of humanitarianism. 

According to Zemmali “the commonalities between IHL and Islamic law” and “the protection of civilians”, prohibition of humiliation and promotion of humanitarian values have become major concerns for Islamic scholars. 

Unfortunately, although Indonesia has frequently witnessed communal conflicts, none of the Indonesia’s Muslim clerics have been able to seriously formulate Islamic humanitarian law and sharia in order to prevent the severe impact of conflicts as well as to protect refugees, non-combatants properly. While some Muslim scholars try to reinterpret and reformulate the essence of sharia to suit the current social, economic and political needs, conservative views and rigid interpretations of sharia seems to have dominated the mind-set of some Indonesian Muslims. The issuance of Islam-based ordinances on certain aspects of social life in society seems to have not touched on major issues such as human rights, protection of minority groups and international humanitarian law. 

We are indeed amazed by the increasing roles of Islamic humanitarian organizations in Indonesia, which have shown their progressive understanding of humanitarian issues. At least, practically, Islamic humanitarian NGOs have coped with a wide array of social projects. Yet, we also do believe that reinterpretation and contextualization of the meaning of humanitarian principles in Indonesia’s many plural societies is imperative. 

The concept of “impartiality”, which has often been reinforced by Islamic humanitarian NGOs, can be contested and even questioned if their humanitarian action and vision are not adequately equipped with the willingness and ability to protect disadvantaged groups like minorities who are, in fact, less protected by Indonesian laws.

Above all, it remains necessary to formulate basic concepts of humanitarian law and principles in Muslim societies. A new reading and reexamination of Islamic concepts that relate to the promotion of public welfare is also needed in order to meet the current social, economic and political challenges in Indonesia, as a culturally and religiously diverse country. 

I believe that, in the absence of efforts to strengthen a more inclusive and universal concept of humanitarianism, Muslim humanitarian actors will be heavily characterized by sectarian views that limit their ability to promote the universality of Islam and will gradually lose their role in the nation’s quest to overcome the very complex and multi-dimensional problems of communal and 
sectarian conflicts. ● 

Politik Global dan Kader Perdamaian

Politik Global dan Kader Perdamaian Hilman Latief ;  Direktur Institute for Development and Social Movement Studies, Dosen Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta (UMY)

REPUBLIKA, 27 Mei 2013

Berakhirnya Perang Dingin yang direpresentasikan oleh bipolaritas kekuatan dunia, yaitu Barat (Amerika) dan komunisme (Uni Soviet), tidak serta-merta mengakhiri konflik di pelbagai belahan dunia. Bassam Tibi dalam karyanya, The Challenge of Fundamentalism (1998), mencatat bahwa pada era globalisasi dewasa ini, `fragmentasi budaya' dan `difusi kekuatan' semakin menguat dan melahirkan konflik-konflik internasional dan domestik.

Perang antarnegara di Timur Tengah dan Asia Timur serta konflik antaretnik di wilayah Afrika dan Asia Tenggara adalah beberapa di antaranya. Bila dulu, semasa Perang Dingin, eskalasi konflik terjadi karena dipengaruhi perseteruan antardua negara adikuasa, kini persoalannya menjadi lebih kompleks. Banyak faktor sosial, ekonomi, dan politik di tingkat regional dan global yang memengaruhi konflik horizontal-komunal di tingkat domestik. 

Bipolaritas antara Barat dan dunia Islam yang menjadi bagian dari narasi besar Samuel Huntington dalam The Clash of Civilization-nya, dianggap salah satu persoalan yang masih tersisa pasca-Perang Dingin. Kontestasi antara `hegemoni Barat' dan `superioritas Islam' setidaknya dilihat sebagai salah satu faktor yang masih melegitimasi tumbuhnya konflik dan aksi-aksi kekerasan yang bersifat domestik dan global.

Dominasi politik, ekonomi, dan budaya Barat selama beberapa dasawarsa terakhir berperan besar dalam menumbuhkan resistensi dari dunia Islam. Intervensi Amerika terhadap Irak dan keberpihakkannya terhadap Israel, umpamanya, setidaknya mempertajam fragmentasi budaya dan ideologi radikal di tingkat domestik.

Masih pasca-Perang Dingin, fragmentasi ideologi dan budaya di tingkat domestik agaknya menjadi `tren' global. Konflik-konflik yang bersifat sektarian yang boleh jadi dimotivasi oleh faktor ekonomi dan politik, misalnya, frekuensinya semakin tinggi di beberapa negara di Afrika dan Asia Tenggara.

Konflik di sebuah wilayah bahkan memiliki efek domino atau setidaknya menstimulasi konflik di tempat-tempat yang lain. Di Myanmar, konflik yang berakhir pada pembantaian dan pengusiran etnis Muslim Rohingya oleh kelompok Buddha di bagian utara Negeri Rakhine adalah salah satu bentuk pengentalan `radikalisasi' akibat fragmentasi budaya yang tidak terkelola.

Dalam bentuk dan modus yang agak berbeda, masih banyak peristiwa konflik, baik bersenjata maupun tidak, yang dapat kita telusuri di Thailand Selatan, Midanao-Filipina, Afghanistan, dan beberapa negera di Timur Tengah. Tapi, naga-naganya, konflik-konflik domestik yang terjadi kerap diwarnai oleh pelanggaran terhadap hak-hak asasi manusia.

Pasalnya, dalam situasi konflik, perbedaan antara pelaku konflik (combatant) dan warga masyarakat biasa kadang sulit untuk dibedakan. Masyarakat yang dalam kategori non-combatant kerap menjadi korban. Bahkan, dalam banyak kasus konfl ik domestik yang bersifat sektarian (etnik dan agama), orang tua, anak-anak, dan perempuan pun bisa dan sering kali menjadi korban.

Karena itu, berbicara tentang perdamaian tidak bisa lepas dari wacana tentang resolusi konflik dan hak asasi manusia. Diperlukan banyak aktor dalam masyarakat yang secara kolektif aktif mengampanyekan pentingnya arti perdamaian dan memahami mekanisme mengelola konflik agar tidak berujung pada tindakan kekerasan serta merumuskan dan mendiseminasikan makna hak-hak asasi manusia.

Hal seperti ini pula yang kiranya menginspirasi Hans Kung untuk menulis Global Responsibility (1991) ketika menelaah pentingnya komunitas keagamaan merumuskan sebuah etika dunia baru sebagai agenda untuk mewujudkan perdamaian dunia. Bahkan, Hans Kung berkeyakinan bahwa perdamian dunia bisa diwujudkan bila ada perdamaian dalam agama-agama.

Tentu saja masih banyak agenda besar dan strategi baru yang harus dirumuskan untuk mendiseminasi nilai-nilai perdamaian dan kemanusiaan, serta mengurangi dampak konflik yang terjadi di pelbagai lini. Hal ini tidak hanya menjadi tanggung jawab negara atau pemerintah sebagai lembaga yang memiliki kewenangan untuk mengeluarkan sebuah kebijakan politik yang berpihak pada perdamaian dan membela hak asasi manusia, tetapi juga bagi aktor-aktor di luar panggung pemerintahan.

Bahkan, saat ini diperlukan penanaman nilai-nilai perdamaian sejak dini dalam lingkungan keluarga, sekolah, dan bertetangga. Dalam tingkatan mikro, kita sudah terlalu sering menyaksikan tawuran antarkampung dan tawuran antarsekolah di beberapa daerah, tidak hanya di Jakarta atau Yogyakarta, tetapi juga di Sulawesi dan Papua.

Karena itu, langkah-langkah kecil membangun jaringan di antara para pegiat perdamaian menjadi penting. Hal itu dapat dimulai dengan mencetak kader-kader perdamaian yang memiliki keterampilan untuk mengampanyekan dan menerjemahkan nilai-nilai perdamaian melalui pelbagai media dan aktivitas kreatif. Setidaknya, kader-kader perdamaian dapat berperan dalam mendiseminasi nilai-nilai perdamaian agar memiliki efek domino dalam masyarakat. ●