Tampilkan postingan dengan label Independence Day reflections. Tampilkan semua postingan
Tampilkan postingan dengan label Independence Day reflections. Tampilkan semua postingan

Sabtu, 17 Agustus 2013

Independence Day reflections

Independence Day reflections
Maya Safira Muchtar ;   The Author of 3 Generations, 1 Vision, A Holistic Health Practitioner and Public Speaker on Holistic Health and National Issues
JAKARTA POST, 16 Agustus 2013


Increasing national debt, national integration, the rights of minority groups, increasing religious fanaticism, the glittering malls, the common sight of both window and real shoppers, and prosperous government officials appearing on the television with luxurious watches, spectacles and rings and imported high-cylindered vehicles — all these can turn a person into a philosopher, a mediator or a criminal. 

I raise the same question I did in an article I wrote some time ago: Where have we gone wrong?

I tried to find the answer from the writings of our own homegrown philosopher, mentor Franz Magnis-Suseno. He seems to have diagnosed our national issues and problems very accurately. 

The grandsire of philosophy does not stop at that, he also has solutions to offer, but who cares to listen to the old man? 

Very recently, I overheard a very senior journalist, for whom until then I had a high regard, commenting about him: “After all the man is a bule, what does he know about Indonesia?” 

This is the problem. Even a senior, well-travelled, well-read person like him is still conditioned by such notions. This is one of our problems. National integration is still an issue, but allow me to return to our philosopher.

Romo (father) Magnis writes about the vision of Adam Muller (1779-1829) in the Art of Governance. Muller’s romanticism, as noted by Magnis, seems to have strongly influenced one of our founding fathers, Supomo, who later developed the idea of the integral nation of Indonesia.

Adam places the government on a special pedestal overseeing the physical, mental and spiritual needs of the populace. Indeed, a fine concept of government is one where the people running it have the required and necessary ability to do so. His idea of a “total” or rather holistic state in charge of all affairs has been easily misinterpreted to justify totalitarian government. 

Was Supomo wrong in quoting and basing his own concept of a good government upon the ground laid by Mueller? I would say no. Supomo was facing leaders like Sukarno, Hatta, Syahrir and others. They were a bunch of committed old boys that pointedly focused upon the development and progress of the nation. For them, both state and the government were merely means to further the cause of the nation. Both diplomacy and politics, as well as philosophies and ideologies, were adopted for the benefit of the nation, the populace.

With people like them in power, Mueller’s concept is not only workable, but also commendable. However, as Magnis implicitly asks, what if the leaders, the people running the government lacked such idealism?

The result is right before our eyes. It is noted by Magnis that in the time of president Soeharto, Mueller was still popular. His concepts, his ideas, and his vision of a holistic government were still popular, if not more so.

Remember the days when all government policies were termed “kebijakan” — wise decisions, turning all policy makers into witches and wiccans. This is no joke as it is what the words witch and wiccan mean: people of wisdom.

We are separated by a time period of almost two decades — but the ghost of Mueller seems to be still hovering over us. Our leaders now, as then, are still following Mueller’s vision. And why not, as Magnis remarks, since for the authoritarian and totalitarian leaders and officials, Mueller’s vision is very convenient. In the name of law, order, security, good governance and, of course, the infamous kebijakan, those who are in power can do anything! It is easy and convenient.

Recently, we were shocked to read about one Mr. Ruben’s plight — sentenced to life along with his son for a murder he never committed. Indeed, the culprit has been found and he also confessed to the crime. But Ruben and his son are still rotting in the prison, while those who wrongly convicted them still enjoy high positions.

Prior to the case, we also heard new evidence provided by the former chief of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) Antasari Azhar, proving that the man he has been accused of engineering the death of was actually shot with a different bullet to the one presented as evidence in court. But, like Ruben, Antasari still rots in jail.

Then, there is the case of Anand Krishna, acquitted by the court, a decision that was unlawfully overturned by the Supreme Court. He is sharing the same fate as Ruben and Antasari.

Ours is, perhaps, the only country where a panel of judges has the authority to declare someone guilty based on their subjective conviction rather than the facts presented in court. If you haven’t studied the penal code, than you must do so immediately, for the system here validates heresay and personal subjective conviction of the judges over and above facts and court proceedings.

In the civilized world, civilized legal systems endorse what is termed as the Blackstone 10:1 Ratio Theory: It is better that 10 guilty persons escape than one innocent person suffers. 

Our legal system does not endorse this. We can easily cite hundreds of cases to prove this.

Now, if you look for Mueller to justify this quote from Lenin, you can very easily find this justification. Mueller can give rise to a totalitarian regime and Lenin can make use of such a regime to justify all kinds of absurdities.

It is often disheartening to hear former judges and prosecutors now acting as experts and often appearing on TV talk shows — desperately defending their successors when they cross the line of decency, humanity and natural law.

This ill-practice — these combined philosophies of Mueller and Lenin, however, have not only affected our legal systems, judiciaries and courts. Perhaps the entire system is under the influence of Mueller and Lenin. We may brag about our religiosity, but the fact is that we are still very far from humanity. Religion is just makeup, a superficial layer of powder or foundation cream used to hide the dark spots on our face. 

A professor from Egypt, having seen so many revolutions and changes in his own lifetime, now concludes: “Even a sharia government cannot solve our problems. The system can only work when the people running the system are living the sharia values, the human values. Without adequate leaders, depending upon politicians alone, we cannot progress. We can only regress.”

The old professor is very right. We need people who can lead, lead themselves and lead the nation — for too long have we been depending upon politicians. They have not delivered. Let us, now, look for leaders. ● 

Independence demands political and economic unity

Independence demands political and economic unity
Donny Syofyan ;   A Lecturer at the Faculty of Cultural Sciences
at Andalas University, Padang
JAKARTA POST, 16 Agustus 2013


Indonesians will celebrate their 68th Independence Day on Aug. 17. This year’s Independence Day commemoration is occurring close to the spirit of Idul Fitri festivities, which took place a week before. 

We ought to be thankful for a mixture of two noteworthy matters: celebrating the gratitude of Idul Fitri and expressing a mature commemoration of the country’s freedom. 

One of the chief stumbling blocks Indonesians are dealing with now is the discrepancy between political advancement and economic development. An Indonesian citizen knows that the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia is politically acknowledged across the archipelago from Sabang to Merauke. This is a principal declaration that Indonesia’s political unity is uncompromised in people’s minds. 

Yet the political accord becomes susceptible while the lion’s share of economic growth and prosperity is unequally distributed throughout the nation. Imbalances in infrastructure development, limited access to education and small- and medium-sized enterprises’ weak market penetration strategies across different regions in the country, to mention just a few, increasingly substantiate Indonesia’s obvious economic incongruity. 

This challenging economic approach will slowly but surely put political stability at stake due to regional dissatisfaction.

In an attempt to contextualize the very essence of liberty, political and economic unity is then essential for subsequent rationales. First, it is the key to impartial development leading to central government legitimacy and widespread prosperity. It is public knowledge that national development has been and is still concentrating on Java. This island is densely populated on the strength of economic attraction, as the saying goes: “Where there is sugar, there are ants.” 

While political integration is imposed nationwide by the government, economic development remains focused on certain areas. Prosperity is out of the reach by reason of economic injustice.

Additionally, such economic inequality is detrimental to demographic effects prompting constant rural to urban migration, movement of people from other parts of the country to Java, and a periphery to center exodus. Indonesia needs affirmative action on economic engineering that shifts economic improvement to peripheral areas and outside Java. Endeavors to empower regions for economic interest must crack down on comparative advantages engaging in financial and managerial initiatives. Otherwise, they are nothing more than politicians’ rhetoric.

Agriculture and creative industries could be remedies for regionally economic intensification. They might grow to the full providing local leadership is entrusted to entrepreneurs rather than to career bureaucrats and political appointees. The Success stories of Joko Widodo (former mayor of Surakarta in Central Java) and Amran Nur (former mayor of Sawahlunto in West Sumatra) are clear evidence of entrepreneurship-based local governance. They fathom that independence is not simply a matter of political freedom but is also inseparably associated with the public well-being. 

Second, political and economic unity is considerably significant in terms of setting off a wave of nationalistic spirit. A massive crisis of confidence in the ruling authority is due to a strong emphasis on political slants when it comes to addressing public issues. This is definitely in contradiction to an economic approach. While the former defines people as being friend and foe, the latter creates multiple friends and less rivals. 

Elites’ political acts have failed to awaken public patriotism on account of their interest in power sharing and political ceremonies, such as solemn official speeches and flag ceremonies. It does not mean, for example, that Indonesian citizens should no longer participate in flag ceremonies. People should not be judged as unpatriotic simply because they decide to enjoy the day doing other things. Each has his or her own ways of honoring Indonesia. 

It is through the economic language of prosperity that a sense of patriotism turns into populism. Separatist movements in some areas — Maluku and Papua — are attributable to the government’s political suppression and economic exploitation, not just with the separatists’ being less knowledgeable about Indonesia’s historical unity. Populist nationalism, which is cushioned by economic prosperity, cannot fully count on political procedures owing to its narrow-mindedness and fragmented nature.

Third, political and economic integration conforms to Indonesia’s competitiveness. Based on the World Economic Forum’s (WEF) 2012-2013 report, Indonesia’s competitiveness ranking fell to 50 out of 144 countries. Bribery and red tape, which have been contributing factors to the decline, cannot be separated from the soaring trend of politicized government offices and service delivery. On the one side, politicization takes good-governance out of the country’s bureaucracy. On the other, it sees corporate culture exerting stress on economic yardsticks such as efficiency and effectiveness, which are central to enhancing productivity and igniting creativity.

One effort to increase the country’s competitiveness rests on the authority’s political will to apply good governance principles in the public sector. It is influential in paving the way for burgeoning competitiveness in social relations. The desire for competition should derive from a bottom-up approach so that productivity and creativity morph into the populist domain. 

This is particularly true as future networking is largely swayed by people to people roles as opposed to government to government relations at the international level. 

This is the core essence of liberty that Indonesian people aspire for. Long live the great Indonesia! ●