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The
latest corruption case revealed by the Corruption Eradication Commission
(KPK) has shocked the country, largely because it involves the Prosperous
Justice Party (PKS), which had no significant record of corruption.
More than that,
the case involves one of the most respected symbols of the party; its
chairman. Until recently, probity was a very significant selling point for
the party in attracting voters.
Therefore, many
believe the KPK arrest of the former PKS chairman Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq marks
an end for the party because many of its supporters will abandon the party
in the 2014 elections.
While the
possibility of losing credibility is understandable, the possibility of PKS
extinction is difficult to accept at least based on the two following
arguments.
The
significance of the PKS in Indonesian democracy stretches far beyond the
Indonesian border.
As an Islamic
party, it represents the argument that Islamic elements can work in a
democracy with few problems.
As long as it can
exist in Indonesian politics it will prove that Bernard Lewis is wrong to
argue that Islam is the source of the democratic deficit in the Middle
East.
The Middle East
has been seen as the most pertinent example of how Islam can be viewed in
relation to democracy and its reputation is not too convincing in the eyes
of many scholars, as Lewis argues. The Arab Spring brings a new hope that
the fall of authoritarian or semi-totalitarian regimes will be replaced by
democratic forces.
However, after
two years of revolution the situation in the region is still in flux.
Tunisia has shown positive developments despite a strong challenge from
Salafist groups. Libya is still struggling with armed militia groups that
will not cede control to the government.
The most
important country during this period, Egypt, has been suffering recently
from constitutional deadlock and severe clashes between political groups
after a relatively successful presidential election.
The Freedom and
Justice Party, the party of Ikhwanul Muslimin, has had difficulty in
steering the democratic transition. It has come in for criticism and has
met opposition especially after announcing a decree on Nov. 22 last year
that elevated Mohammed Mursi to a seemingly unchallengeable position.
Although the
decree was declared based on the Constitution and was justified as
preventing a possible coup and saving the revolution, the fact remains that
grabbing all power into his hands, even temporarily, violated democratic
standards.
For Laura Guazzone,
non-Arab cases of democracy are worth examination as the best alternative
for Islam and democracy.
Indonesian
democracy through the PKS stood a good chance of becoming a reference for
the Islamic world in the absence, so far, of a working Islamic party in a
relatively stable democracy.
Many scholars
such as James Piscatori and Fawaz Gerges have also mentioned the importance
of Indonesia in the discourse on Islam and democracy on many occasions and
countries in the Middle East are recommended to look at Indonesian democracy.
Of course an
Indonesian model of democracy without the PKS would obviously dismantle
this discourse on Islam and democracy.
Another reason
why the PKS remains important in Indonesian politics is its adaptation to
the rules of democracy. The party has changed its initial stance as a
relatively conservative Islamic party in the 1999 election under the banner
of the PK (Justice Party).
An
insignificant vote encouraged the elites to be more moderate and to move to
the center of the Indonesian political spectrum by offering issues relevant
to the voting public.
The election of
2004 was a huge success and the party wanted to develop into becoming a
major party. However, the 2009 election saw stagnation as a result of too
aggressive moderation driven by some party elites.
Although the
party accepted the result and declared it a success having gained more
seats in the House of Representatives, for those within the party elites
who planned and drove the approach it could be seen as “a failure” as it
lost significant votes in big cities. The PKS is still a middle-ranking
party and it has failed to even offer its members a candidate for vice
president.
That process
can be seen as evidence that democracy has been influencing the PKS’
position from conservative to more accommodative of people’s preferences.
Although it failed to find an appropriate formula in 2009 to achieve the
balance between ideology and voters’ demands, the party’s willingness to
seek different approaches in the electoral process is a good sign of
democracy’s influence.
This process of
democracy’s influence can also be seen following the defeat of its Jakarta
gubernatorial candidate Hidayat Nur Wahid last year. After the defeat, the
party understood that it needed to make significant efforts to gain public
sympathy by maximizing its previous and successful image as a clean party
that had been so effective in 2004.
Therefore,
Hidayat was appointed the head of the party’s faction at the House and so
far he has tried to be outspoken in the media stressing the party’s
integrity. His appointment is a good sign of how the party elites
understand the need to consider the public’s preferences despite internal
fighting among the party elites.
Before the
corruption case involving Luthfi, the influence of democracy worked in PKS
and it will be interesting to see the party’s performance in two local
elections in North Sumatra and West Java later this year. In this context,
there is a “healthy process” within the party of developing its approach
toward the democratic process as a whole, pushing the PKS to conduct one of
the fundamental elements of moderation: reducing ideological adherence and
taking issues of direct concern to the electorate seriously.
The graft case
simply disrupts this ongoing process. It will hinder the ongoing process
that works naturally to shape the moderate basis of the PKS if the party
then fails to pass the electoral threshold.
The PKS’
survival is apparently important as evidence that the project of moderation
is taking place with the strong support of voters. Otherwise, the argument
that democratic means are not worth considering will simply get stronger
and this could be transformed into a justification for violence methods.
Victory in
local elections in West Java and North Sumatra will have a significant
impact on the party’s confidence ahead of the 2014 election. In order to
increase the chances of survival, a radical move to convince the public
that corrupt or immoral members and elites have been eliminated from the
party is also necessary.
Presenting its
commitment to a more conservative, Islamic image similar to 1999 but with
proportionate accommodation of voters’ demands as shown in 2004 is likely
to be more effective.
At this stage,
the party’s answer has been to appoint Anis Matta as the chairman in place
of Luthfi. Considering Anis’ role in directing the 2009 campaign, it is
unlikely that PKS will offer a more “conservative” image and approach to
counter the corruption case. He may be influential and respected
internally, but the public have preferences that an overly pragmatic
political Islam may have difficulties in understanding or appreciating.
If this premise
turns out to be true, in the wider perspective there is a potential loss of
Indonesia’s developing model of a system that can shape an Islamic movement
within a democratic regime. No matter who has caused this disruption the
consequences will be great and may be hard to bear. ●
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