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Like an orchestra, political observers
spoke up both in defense and against President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s
recent decision as chairman of the Democratic Party’s supreme assembly to
take over the powers of party chairman Anas Urbaningrum.
The opposing group warned the President that his deep involvement in the
party’s internal affairs would be at the cost of his state duties. But the
President said he would never ignore his state obligations, in accordance
with the oath when he took office in 2004 and 2009.
But the facts show he has paid no heed to his state duties on many
occasions. First, after the resignation of Andi Alifian Mallarangeng as the
youth and sports minister on Dec. 7, 2012, it took the President over a
month to name a replacement.
Second, when Vice President Boediono relinquished the Bank Indonesia (BI)
governorship following his decision to contest the presidential election as
Yudhoyono’s running mate in May 2009, the job was left vacant for over a
year. Then-BI senior deputy governor Miranda S. Goeltom served as acting
governor until July 27, 2009, when Darmin Nasution replaced her. Darmin was
later elected BI governor and sworn in on Sept. 1, 2010.
The absence of a definite BI governor for that long only cast doubt over
the President’s commitment to monetary governance, given his constitutional
mandate to propose candidates for the post to the House of Representatives.
Third, after Darmin took office as BI governor, the central bank’s senior
deputy governor post he relinquished remains unfilled until today. This is
a tragedy considering the fact that in accordance with the law, only the
president of the republic of Indonesia has the prerogative to propose
candidates for the bank’s second-highest post to the House.
According to the BI Law, the bank’s board of governors is led by a governor
who is assisted by a senior deputy governor as vice governor and at least
four but no more than seven deputy governors.
In fact, BI today only has a governor and three deputy governors, which means
the President has seen no urgency in filling two crucial posts — as
stipulated by law — that have been vacant for more than a year.
In other words, the President has violated his oath of office. The oath
requires him to “strictly observe the Constitution and consistently
implement the law and regulations in the service of the country and the
people”.
The oath of office Yudhoyono took contradicts his own remarks when
responding to criticism surrounding his decision to take over his party’s
leadership: “I can assure the Indonesian people that I will not disregard
my state duties”.
There is no precedent regarding punishment for public officials who breach
their oaths of office, unless President Yudhoyono signs an impeachment
motion filed by the Garut Legislative Council against Regent Aceng Fikri.
The Supreme Court previously found the regent guilty of breaking the
Marriage Law for his failure to register his second marriage (who also
happened to be a minor).
Needless to say, the President employs a number of aides who are supposed
to be competent in selecting prospective candidates for the BI senior
deputy governor and deputy governor posts. Some believe that Yudhoyono
follows “slow but sure” principles, while others perceive him as “sure, but
slow”. As the BI case has shown, President Yudhoyono is surely slow.
The only reason why the President is so slow in fulfilling his state duties
is because his concentration has been split between state jobs and his
party commitment.
Yudhoyono holds three key posts in the Democratic Party, which he
cofounded: chief of the party’s board of patrons, ex officio chairman of
the party`s supreme assembly and chairman of the party’s board of trustees.
To justify his dual responsibilities, Yudhoyono said Indonesia’s former
presidents carried out their state duties while also helping to develop
their respective political parties.
What about the country’s founding president, Sukarno? Yudhoyono did not
name the first president who, despite his link to the Indonesian Nationalist
Party, was not aligned to any political party, even as a member. As
founding father, Sukarno displayed his statesmanship by avoiding
affiliation to any party because he belonged to all the people of
Indonesia.
Sukarno heeded his oath of office, which requires Indonesia’s president “to
serve the country and nation”, without accommodating party interests.
The original spirit of the founders of the republic remains relevant today,
at least according to the Indonesia Survey Circle (LSI) survey released on
Feb. 17, 2013, which shows that 76.43 percent of respondents agree that
future presidents and vice presidents should not be involved with any
political party, even as members.
The survey also shows that 65.5 percent of the respondents, who said they
had voted for Yudhoyono and Boediono in the 2009 presidential election, are
worried about the President’s lack of focus on state duties following his decision to
seize control of his party. More importantly, 91.77 percent of respondents
agree that a president should stay removed from a political party’s
affairs.
Manuel Luis Quezon, the second president of the Philippines, once said: “My
loyalty to my party ends where my loyalty to my country begins”. This
remark has become a prominent quote as it proposes the key difference
between a politician and a statesman.
The people of Indonesia should call for the restoration of the original
spirit of the republic’s founding fathers because as the head of state and
government, the president fully belongs to the people of Indonesia and
must, therefore, put national interests ahead of party interests.
As the old adage goes, salus populi suprema lex esto or “let the good of
the people be the supreme law”. ●
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