Housing
for all depends on political will
Ivan Hadar ; An architect, city planner and president director of
the Institute for Democracy
Education (IDE)
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JAKARTA
POST, 29 Desember 2014
According to official estimates, the demand for housing in
Indonesia has reached a huge number: at least 7.5 million units, and it will
increase annually by approximately 1.5 million units.
More than that, the official estimates of housing needs do not
fully reflect the realities of the housing situation. Missing are the
millions of families who are registered as owning a residence that does not
meet eligibility standards.
In general, the housing crisis is marked by slum housing,
including sheds and illegal shelters in river floodplains and under bridges,
that has expanded and reached into most corners of large cities.
The housing crisis is also marked by social-space inequalities
resulting in the number of houses occupied exceeding the capacity, a very
high housing density in certain regions, the unavailability of space for
privacy, the loss of public space and recreation and housing locations that
are at some distance from workplaces.
As a member of Habitat International, Indonesia has officially
ratified the housing basic needs clause. The Constitution also clearly states
that “the state is obliged to help to provide proper houses for the people of
Indonesia”.
Similarly, the 2000 Law on the National Development Program
(Propenas) and the building act of 2003 also require local governments to
“empower the poor who do not have access to housing.” All these
constitutional directives aim to provide access to housing for the people of
Indonesia, especially for lower-income families.
Theoretically, the housing crisis and its solutions can be
considered from the perspectives of two major groups. The first group views
the housing crisis as a “capital and income issue,” whereas the second group
sees it as a “cleanliness, health and regulations issue.”
For the first group, the housing crisis is directly related to
the high price of land as a result of unproductive ownership, land and
building speculation and the control of housing stock and land by only a few
people. This perspective has succeeded in exposing various negative behaviors
on the part of housing developers.
This criticism of housing and land speculation is supported by
many progressive thinkers, urban planners and local politicians who, in
several countries, have been successful in initiating the housing reform
movement.
The solutions offered attempt to address the financial issues,
such as the lack of funding for the development of modest housing, the high
interest rates for home mortgage loans, mortgage manipulations in order to
speculatively auction the land and the low level of community income.
Meanwhile, the perspective that is held by the second group
reduces the housing crisis to only an issue of village renovation and
rejuvenation, a culture of poverty and a lack of government supervision
caused by the expansion of slum housing. These various views mark the long
history of housing policy in this country.
The funding required for adequate housing is beyond the
financial capacity of those who need housing. Thus, a kind of selection
process eventually occurs, which sacrifices those who are weak. The
utilization of high-rise apartments in Jakarta, for example, was initially
conceived for those who could not otherwise afford housing.
Yet in practice this housing is often controlled by those who
turn the apartments into a business proposition by buying and then renting
them. The dilemma is rooted in the fact that the housing problem is closely
related to a funding issue. Also, the concept of self-help by the community
will not, by itself, be able to overcome the problem from a larger
perspective.
Several lessons from other countries could prove useful in
finding a housing solution for Indonesia. Singapore presents an example of
the dominant role of government in overcoming a housing problem. This
city-state established the Housing Development Board in 1960, a time when a
large number of people were still living in unhygienic, potentially hazardous
slums and crowded squatter settlements packed in the city centers.
With government support to acquire land at cheap prices, the HDB
proceeded to build and rent houses, especially to those in the lower income
strata. At present, about 84 percent of Singaporeans live in HDB housing.
Singapore also has the Central Provident Fund, an old-age social
security fund that collects money from workers and employers and also
supports housing development.
For Indonesia, land seized from big developers who have problems
with the Bank Restructuring Board (BPPN) could be utilized to build housing
for the lower- and middle-income groups, a demographic that has often faced
difficulties because of the high price of urban land. Meanwhile, the Civil
Servants Housing Savings (Taperum) could be expanded to a wider scope and
assist with solving the housing issue.
Germany shows another example. Following World War II, in which
the majority of German cities were heavily damaged by Allied bombing, Germany
made the development of housing a key engine of economic development through
the provision of tax incentives, cheap credit and related incentives to those
developers who would build housing for the lower and middle classes.
Despite the relatively small profit margin, there was almost a
100 percent certainty of the developers earning a profit from these building
activities.
Thus, it should not be surprising that more than 60 percent of
the housing in Germany was built by developers under this government
incentive program.
Those who seek greater profits must, of course, face
correspondingly greater market risks.
There are many opportunities to solve the housing crisis in
Indonesia. The political will of the new government to create the condition
of “housing for all” and the willingness of all parties to find a healthy
balance to the various interests are the two key prerequisites for solving the
country’s housing problems. The rest is a technical issue. ●
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