Targetting the best candidate

Targetting the best candidate Donny Syofyan ;   A Lecturer of The Faculty of Cultural Sciences at Andalas University, Padang

JAKARTA POST, 31 Desember 2012

The year 2012 saw a number of achievements in law enforcement. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) stepped forward and became a key agent in curbing corruption. Selective practices within the law enforcement system have shown a decreasing trend.  The KPK renounced any intention of intervention, maintained its consistency and has rejected lobbying power. One phenomenon has been the victory of former Surakarta mayor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo in the Jakarta gubernatorial election. It was too bad that many of the country’s party leaders failed to take the Jokowi case as a valuable lesson — marked by their persistence in nominating their own leaders as presidential candidates — despite their low electability.  Apart from their debatable methods and accuracy, many surveys indicate soaring public demand for populist presidential candidates, which should be a serious focus in 2013. The emergence of non-party candidates may also place a spotlight on populist candidates in the upcoming 2014 presidential election.  The poll results show people’s disillusionment with politicians of mainstream parties and all their moral aberrations. Public despondency should be seen as a yearning for refreshing, revitalizing and radical reform. The current batch of politicians is trapped in political paternalism instead of advocating for the wishes of their electorate. When it comes to presidential candidates, many parties remain dependent on their patrons — such as Aburizal Bakrie, Megawati Soekarnoputri and Prabowo Subianto — rather than promoting “fresh candidates”. Aburizal’s consistently low ranks in the polls, Megawati’s becoming less attractive to voters and questions over Prabowo’s human rights record suggest that people no longer see positives in the nominations of those individuals. Leadership exercises of party cadres, which are political machines to produce the best political talents, are apparently oriented toward consolidating the party instead of paving the way for fresh politicians struggling to gain public trust. The reason behind the reluctance of senior politicians to trust younger faces is the former’s disappointment with the latter, following corruption scandals and abuses of power.  Graft cases allegedly involving young politicians like Muhammad Nazaruddin, Angelina Sondakh and Andi Mallarangeng of the Democratic Party, have not only made senior figures of the party discontent, but also tarnished the images of other parties in the post-Soeharto era. Given that elections are not trial and error games, many parties prefer old and noted politicians with perceived integrity to increase the chances of winning at the polls rather than relying on fresh candidates with fewer selling points. Yet such a trend cannot cover up the fact that political paternalism remains powerful among the country’s major parties. It is frequently seen how young lawmakers and public officials suddenly turn to paternalistic and transactional politics. Growing demand for non-elite politicians and public officials has also set the scene for soaring populist presidential candidates. Unlike some lawmakers and public officials that keep people at a distance, populist presidential candidates have proved to be able to successfully maintain a balance between their position as state officials and public role models. Among them are Jusuf Kalla, a former vice president committed to taking unpopular policies while at the same time showing warmth and friendliness to anybody; Mahfud MD, a Constitutional Court justice who dares to make pro-people legal breakthroughs while still maintaining intense dialogue with society through his writings published in various papers; and Sri Mulyani Indrawati, former finance minister and current World Bank managing director who is unquestionably noted for her bureaucratic reform through uncompromised reward and punishment. Bridges between leaders and their people — before, during, or after their time in office — as exemplified by the three figures above, have not been a tradition among the country’s elites and politicians.  Many assume a dual leadership role once appointed as public officials, showing resistance to any policies taken by the government after they leave their position of power. Public desire for populist candidates also cannot be separated from the so-called “Jokowi effect”. Like it or not, people are politically entertained by the leadership and breakthrough of Jokowi and his Deputy Governor Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama, as they broke the mold. The survey respondents chose Kalla, Mahfud or Sri Mulyani, since those figures have proved that humbleness and gallantry are simple, not out of the reach, and can easily reign in the hearts of the people. All the candidates mentioned in the polls have not merely turned into issues makers and trend setters in their respective fields. Rather, they go beyond the standards usually required by politicians: wealth to obtain certain positions in the party, beauty or handsomeness to play on and target voters’ emotions and fame for easy access to the media. Their populist features are not simply seen from their ability to read and satisfy the crowd but also from their enlightening creativity. Elites in this country need to know that power with the support of the full elite will not last. The impeachment of former Peruvian president Alberto K Fujimori — long supported by economic, political and military elites — by the Peruvian Congress is a good reminder. ●