Wanted,
a Jakarta governor with listening skills
Dwi Atmanta ; A
staff writer at The Jakarta Post
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JAKARTA
POST, 31 Agustus 2014
Indonesia
is bracing itself for a new era under Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, who will take
office as the seventh president on Oct. 20. But so is Jakarta, with Jokowi’s
departure from City Hall paving the way to the governor’s seat for his deputy
Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama.
New,
however, does not necessarily mean better; it can be the other way around.
Take for example the New Order, which offered stability and prosperity at the
expense of liberty. After more than 30 years, when demand for reform was
irresistible, the New Order faded away (although, like an old soldier, it may
never die).
Many
will welcome Ahok’s succession to Jakarta’s top executive job, and hope the
new governor will do more than he has achieved as second-in-command of the
capital city.
The
pairing of Jokowi and Ahok looked likely to live up to their billing as a
dynamic duo shortly after they were sworn in on Oct. 5 two years ago.
Jokowi
hopped from one place to another without prior notice to capture a candid
picture of the problems facing the people and his administration, while Ahok revamped
the foot-dragging bureaucracy without worrying about possible internal
dissent.
Both
Jokowi and Ahok have emerged as media darlings ever since they declared their
bid to contest the Jakarta election. Undoubtedly, Jokowi enjoyed this
privilege when he finally shot for the presidential post and won it. The same
treatment applies to Ahok.
No
one, except the minority Islamic hardline groups, would question his
eligibility to lead the capital city, let alone his policies.
The
public was quick to support Ahok in an argument over the relocation of Tanah
Abang street vendors against United Development Party (PPP) politician and
native Betawi figure Abraham Lulung in September last year.
Fearless
Ahok has twice been embroiled in a fight with a Cabinet minister. Last year
Ahok suggested that Home Minister Gamawan Fauzi read the Constitution in
response to the minister’s objection to the appointment of a Christian to
lead a predominantly Muslim subdistrict in South Jakarta. More recently, Ahok
was involved in a standoff against Youth and Sports Minister Roy Suryo over
the Jakarta government’s plan to demolish Lebak Bulus Stadium in South
Jakarta.
The
media, and perhaps the public, tend to stand behind Ahok, as his leadership
style is rare in this country. His oftentimes offensive words are buried
under his much-vaunted bureaucratic reform, his anticorruption campaigns, his
responsiveness and his accessibility.
Many
have even accepted his bruising remarks as a characteristic that
distinguishes him from his predecessors.
Ahok’s
rise to the gubernatorial post will certainly be welcomed by many, thanks to
his decisiveness and zero tolerance of corruption.
As
acting governor when Jokowi took leave to focus on the presidential race in
July, Ahok threatened to dismiss all the civil servants working at a
vehicle-test center in West Jakarta after finding sharp practices going on
there. Earlier this month, Ahok dismissed and downgraded a number of public
housing agency officials for their alleged role in illegal sales of low-cost
apartments meant for the poor.
In
an interview with The Jakarta Post recently, Ahok pledged to immediately fire
government officials caught in the act of corruption. He pledged also to seek
help from Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) to conduct checks on government
officials whose lifestyles did not match their monthly earnings.
Ahok
envisions a city where the law is enforced indiscriminately for all citizens,
whether rich or poor, educated or illiterate. He appears to have learned that
inconsistent law enforcement leads to public disorder, as in the cases of
slum areas along river banks that have been blamed for exacerbating floods,
or congestion as a result of street vendors who choose roadsides over stalls
inside markets as their business premises.
Certainly,
Ahok’s ascent to power has given the poor community of 375,700 people in
Jakarta and their defenders a cause for concern. Evictions, as part of the
provincial government’s bid to resettle squatters to low-cost apartments,
have been rampant since Ahok took over de facto leadership of Jakarta.
Urban
poor activists consider Ahok’s policies biased toward the middle class. They
say Ahok emulates previous governors, particularly Sutiyoso and Fauzi Bowo,
who got tough with the poor — primarily through eviction campaigns.
Sandyawan
Sumardi, founder of Ciliwung Merdeka, which is concerned about education for
the poor, says Ahok’s penchant for eviction simply proves his lopsided view
of Jakarta’s development. Moving squatters to low-cost apartments will not
necessarily solve the problem of poverty, as their relocation also deprives
them of their livelihoods.
Sandyawan
suggests that Ahok listen more to the poor if he really wants to alleviate
poverty.
Unlike
Jokowi, Sandyawan says, Ahok does not like to listen but to talk, which is
why he cannot build empathy.
“About
five months before the gubernatorial election, Ahok came to me to ask for
advice. But in fact, the meeting was just two hours of him talking,”
Sandyawan recalls.
Like
Sandyawan, the people of Jakarta are pinning their hopes on Ahok to lead
Jakarta to prosperity and justice for all. Ahok has secured public trust —
the most precious capital in governing the city.
That
he quickly responds to any report or complaint related to public services,
and that people have direct access to him, are further plus points.
Ahok
may need to assert his new status as the “godfather of Jakarta” to show his
firmness, but without empathy, strong leadership will result in tyranny. ●
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