Does
neoliberalism constitute a national threat
Muhamad
Haripin ; Researcher at the Centre for Political
Studies – Indonesian Institute of Sciences (P2P – LIPI), Author of Reformasi Sektor
Keamanan Pasca Orde Baru (Post-New Order Security Sector Reform), Marjin
Kiri, 2013
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JAKARTA
POST, 27 Februari 2014
In
The Jakarta Post’s Outlook 2014, Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, current deputy defense
minister, wrote an interesting piece entitled “Asymmetric warfare, a clear
and present threat” (27/01).
By
explicating asymmetric warfare, Sjafrie tries to inform and — to some degree
— convince readers that threats to national security are no longer adequately
seen in a military way per se, e.g. from foreign attack. We also have to
deploy huge resources to deter the growing threat to the state’s ideology,
politics, economy and socioculture.
Let’s
take a look at security threats in the ideological, political and economic
fields. There are radicalism, decay of moral values and national ethics, and
communal conflict in the ideological field; anarchy or rebellions, coups
d’état or attacks on vital installations in the category of politics. Threats
in the economic field are financial crime, transnational crime, energy
scarcity, corruption and money laundering.
Looking
at Sjafrie’s list in a retrospective way, surprisingly we could not locate
“neoliberalism” as one of the security threats in the ideological, political
or economical fields.
Why
do I say surprisingly? Because neoliberalism was the central theme of the
speech delivered by the Indonesian Military (TNI) commander Gen. Moeldoko in
early February. In front of the chief of the National Police, clerics and
community leaders, Moeldoko displayed no hesitancy in condemning
neoliberalism and the domination of foreign companies in the public sector
because these had endangered the Indonesian people and state.
Some
have expressed disagreement at Moeldoko’s statement, not because of the
content or substance of the speech (nowadays everybody associates themselves
with progressive or anti-neolib policies — at least verbally), but because an
active military man should not speak about politics. According to the Law on
TNI, active military personnel should not engage in day-to-day politics.
Talking about neoliberalism, which is considered a politico-economic issue,
is not the sort of public gesture that we expect from high-ranking military
officers.
Reading
the statement in a different way, Moeldoko’s statement is somehow a
reflection of the obscurity of threat assessment in Indonesia, an old issue
that has been criticized by civil society — for example in the case of the
draft bill on national security — but its progress remains static.
The
executive and legislative branches tend to put everything into one basket;
from “territorial encroachment by foreign military forces” to “poverty,
ignorance [kebodohan], corruption”, but don’t provide clear definitions and
guidance as to how all these issues should be handled in a professional,
manageable as well as an accountable way.
We
think we do know what the problems are, but we simply don’t know how to solve
them.
In
a democratic state, this kind of situation is dangerous. A murky and carte
blanche definition in the regulation of the security sector is the perfect
ingredient for abuses of power.
Moreover,
to express his or her opinion or deep resentment about something is an
inalienable right of every Indonesian citizen. But, Moeldoko is not an
ordinary citizen; he is the chief of the TNI. Everything he says must be
scrutinized, and can be interpreted as the official position of the
government.
If
the state really considers neoliberalism as a threat to national security —
i.e. it endangers the social cohesion and territorial integrity of Republic
of Indonesia, then there should be a systematic approach to halt its
dissemination and practice.
We
could take the case of the political left as an example. Since 1965 until
now, the state has prohibited the dissemination, education or practice of the
political left or Marxism. Systematic policy, propaganda and apparatus were
deployed by the state to repress the political left.
During
the New Order era the existence of the Command for the Restoration of
Security and Order (Kopkamtib) — later becoming the Coordinating Body for
Assisting in the Maintenance of National Stability (Bakorstanas) — was
dedicated to supporting the totalitarian ambition of the Soeharto regime, by
conducting surveillance, political intervention, ideological management and
terror against the political left and any political power outside the regime
(Tanter, 1991).
While
in the Reformasi era, we can still find the same approach toward the
political left. The latest Indonesian Defense White Paper, which was
published over six years ago, states that communism is a potential threat to
Indonesia. Moreover, recently book discussions on Tan Malaka, one of the
Indonesian national heroes and founder of the Indonesian Republic Party
(PARI), were banned in Semarang and Surabaya.
Nonetheless,
it must be emphasized here that I am not suggesting the physical and cultural
persecution of neoliberalism as happened to the left in Indonesia.
What
I am trying to explain is how the “national security threat” is always
political in nature. It depends on ever-changing national interests and
regime survival.
Describing
a particular situation or ideology as dangerous or threatening is a serious
business, and it risks affecting Indonesian society in general.
Having
said all the above, we could demand that Moeldoko walk the talk, or probably
he could make recommendations to the President to declare that neoliberalism
is a national threat.
If
there is no active and deliberate action, all negative sentiment toward
neoliberalism is merely a matter of lip service. However, I am afraid that is
the case, because it was Moeldoko himself who last year wholeheartedly said
that the TNI would protect foreign investment in Indonesia. ●
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