The new media factor and various campaign forms and tactics in Indonesia

The new media factor and various campaign forms and tactics in Indonesia Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki  ;  Jonathan Chen is an associate research fellow,  Priamarizki is a senior analyst with the Indonesia program, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University

JAKARTA POST,  17 Januari 2014

                                                                                                                        

Campaigning and electioneering in Indonesia are often a messy and rambunctious affair. Lately Indonesia’s General Elections Commission (KPU) is determined to curb its negative excesses following the addition of Regulation No. 15/2013 with tighter regulatory guidelines and stricter enforcements.  According to new additions under the “campaign methodology” category, all large posters or billboards intended for the purposes of canvassing are limited to one administrative village per political party or candidate representing the Regional Representatives Council (DPD).  In addition, flags and banners depicting particular political parties or DPD representatives are permitted only within zones set up and delegated by the commission. Street banners have to be standardized to a maximum size of 1.5 by 7 meters per unit per stipulated electoral zone.  While proponents commended authorities for their efforts at anticipating the deleterious impacts of protracted campaigns even before the official campaign season begins in January 2014, dissenters expressed their displeasure over these new guidelines as “undemocratic” while offering an unfair advantage to the incumbents.  In spirit, these new regulatory guidelines serve to minimize what often amounted to “campaign-clutter” in cities and neighborhoods — the result of advertorials, banners and posters strewn all over the place. In reality, loopholes and “grey areas” are exploited to prematurely raise the profiles of specific parties and candidates’ among the electorate.  Early campaign efforts have already begun unofficially with posters put up surreptitiously and understated promotions of individuals alongside televised commercials and government ads. These actions have caused jitters within certain sections of Indonesian society who cried foul over ambiguous and opportunistic attempts at self-promotion.  Despite all the brouhaha exchanged, the fiercest political battles, spats and lobbying have already began over a much more open and increasingly ubiquitous medium — cyberspace. As political public spaces become more constricted and contested, many have chosen to migrate over to cyberspace, and rightly so. In the successive years since the last major elections in 2009, Indonesians from all walks life have embraced social media platforms at an unprecedented rate.  Although Indonesia featured at a paltry 24 percent in terms of Internet broadband penetration, this did not deter the archipelagic state from becoming Facebook’s fourth largest client after India, Brazil and the United States at 64 million users, with 56 percent of users ranging from 16 to 24 years old. Indonesia’s rankings with Twitter were even more legendary.  An online report has ceremoniously crowned Indonesia a “Twitter nation”. Indonesia’s capital city, notwithstanding, is also the proud recipient of the eponymous-sounding accolade: the world’s number one “Twitter city”. All these have been facilitated by a nascent “mobile culture” with 84 percent of Indonesians owning at least one mobile phone.  According to a 2011 report on social media trends in Indonesia, approximately 87 percent of tweets are sent over via mobile smartphones. Such rousing figures must have jolted politicians into action. Almost all potential contenders running in the 2014 general election maintain Facebook and Twitter accounts.  Others expressly chose to outsource campaign and promo efforts over to amateur and professional groups on YouTube or feature themselves on political blogs. Newly elected Bandung Mayor Ridwan Kamil has even gone the extra mile of launching an “app” on an Android platform for the purposes of campaigning.  Increasingly, social media platforms are becoming the requisite battle-gear for the aspiring politician.  Conversely, this also means that those without access to or interest in these new appurtenances are now at a distinct disadvantage. The nature and form of political competition and campaigning in Indonesia have evolved substantially ever since electoral rules were democratized and liberalized. The new free and “marketized” electoral landscape post-Soeharto means parties or individuals with the means can afford an attempt at one-upmanship among rivals.  Consultants, pollsters, surveys and political advertising agencies have played an indispensable role to that effect, having a profound impact on the outcomes of elections. Services include gathering data, political marketing, media analysts, focus group interviews, communication strategies and door-to-door campaigns. They are a much-welcomed presence by well-financed political teams and have been steadily gaining notoriety as “makers and breakers of the political campaign”. The distinction between reputable surveys/polls and objectionable ones remains fuzzy in Indonesia. With the rise of these new professionalized mechanisms reputed to be driven by big businesses and seen as “spin doctors” by some, there has been a worrying sense of the state of democracy in Indonesia.  It is feared that with powerful backing and capital as its premise, an unequal playing field is created whereby politics in Indonesia is slowing becoming only the preserve of the rich and powerful.  While it may seem like the odds of winning elections are stacked unfavorably against the politically obscure and the financially deficient, Indonesians recent infatuation with the self-effacing Jakarta governor, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, may prove otherwise.  Already the “Jokowi factor” has imbued the Indonesian electorate with a new lease of promise, changing the way of how politics should be conducted. His magnetism and appeal has been largely correlated with social media in Indonesia.  With pre-election season yet to draw to a close, canvassing and lobbying for Jokowi as a potential presidential candidate have already began furiously online, with new media as its precedent.  The “carryover” effect of new media can be seen when mainstream polling syndicates, inspired by the tremendous impact Jokowi has both online and in the press, did a series of surveys and opinion polls on the topic of his electability. Although results have not been entirely consistent, Jokowi overwhelming features as Indonesia’s most electable candidate.  As the contest for votes and popularity heats up come campaign season, a new equation will have to be factored in — the new media. An unprepossessing act of self-discretion and refined demeanor caught on Instangram, posted on Twitter and re-circulated on Facebook may not only earn intangible brownie points over one act of adamant insouciance that went viral, but it may be the tipping point toward a triumph at the polls.  As for the increasingly constrained public spaces allowed for campaigning, its strategic relevance is still markedly felt in rural areas. However, it may not be long before new media catches on. ●