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Sabtu, 17 Agustus 2013

Egypt dilemma : Why Indonesia should take a stand?

Egypt dilemma : Why Indonesia should take a stand?
Andry Yudha Kusumah ;   The writer studies international human rights and social development in the graduate school of Asia Pacific studies at Waseda University
JAKARTA POST, 16 Agustus 2013

With the conflict between groups supporting and opposing deposed president Mohamed Mursi worsening, Egypt is very close to becoming a bigger Syria. Egypt and the world are in a dilemma; whether to support the democratically elected illiberal government or stand behind the new military dictatorship. This dilemma has made a solid solution unlikely anytime soon.

When the Arab Spring arrived in 2011, the world wondered about the fate of Hosni Mubarak’s regime, and has been paying intense attention to Egypt’s future under the Muslim Brotherhood administration. After disavowing violence in the 1970s, this group has strived politically against the military regime, favoring open-free elections and peaceful democratic transition.

However, after democratically winning the parliamentary and presidential elections and constitutional referendum, the group become illiberal. The administration provided less protection for religious minorities, limited women’s participation in presidential elections, banned members of the previous ruling political party from politics for a decade and above all president Mursi declared his decree immune from judicial scrutiny. This situation then led the opposition to push for another election.

Before it materialized, the military took over the government. It insisted that its action did not constitute a coup, because it did not initiate or let civilians form a new government. In spite of all this, it is the military that installed new leaders and asked them for a mandate to crack down on potential terror threats, including the Muslim Brotherhood. Should the tension escalate, it will radicalize the Brotherhood and prime it to align with al-Qaeda affiliates or any religious radical groups.

Against this backdrop, as a response, the government of Indonesia has issued a travel warning for its nationals and asked Indonesians living in Egypt to distance themselves from any potential clashes and take a neutral stance.

Furthermore, at the bilateral level, both President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa have asked both sides to stop the use of violence and called for compromise and reconciliation.

At the multilateral level, Jakarta is envisaging wider involvement of the UN and plans to push this agenda via multilateral venues, such as the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). These measures — protection of nationals and diplomatic channels optimization — are good but somewhat ordinary. The Indonesian government should brave itself to take bolder, more concrete and concise preventive and curative steps.

Indonesia can end this dilemma first of all by asking the Egyptian military to stop categorizing the Muslim Brotherhood as a terror threat and identify it as an illiberal democrat group; a conservative political group not fit to govern, but not a terrorist or a violent radical religious organization.

Second, Indonesia needs to formally acknowledge that the military action in Egypt was a coup; therefore any political, financial and military support for Egypt could be evaluated accordingly. Third, we should push for a shorter transition period. Fourth, Indonesia should ask both sides to respect the revised state constitution, which has the space for gradual and peaceful amendments.  

Why should Indonesia do this?  From a realist perspective, our proactive stance toward Egypt could send a clear pragmatic message both to Indonesia and the world at large, that peaceful political Islam — however conservative — is a better temporary choice than violent radical Islam.

We have elements of global political Islam thriving formally in our political institution, and concurrently are experiencing the re-radicalization of minor religious groups. In this respect, we have been somewhat successful in addressing both, and we need to remain so.

From a constructivist perspective, Indonesia has experienced a military coup and dictatorship, and regionally has the capacity to engage military rule and assist peaceful transition in Myanmar. Indonesia also knows how to gradually and peacefully amend its Constitution by achieving a balanced approach in dealing with nationalist and religious demands. Finally, Indonesia cares about the Palestinian-Israel peace process, and efforts in Egypt could instill Indonesia deeper in its success.

Therefore, without further delay, Indonesia should send a task force to Egypt. It’s time to invite bright minds from both national Islamic and non-Islamic political parties and religious organizations, legal scholars who specialize in constitutional matters, civil-military relations experts and strategic think tanks to join this diplomatic effort to create a faster and peaceful transition there.  

With this realist constructivist approach, we could end the violence by changing global understanding and lead through example. ● 

Rabu, 13 Maret 2013

Housing citizens to solve Jakarta’s problem


Housing citizens to solve Jakarta’s problem
Andry Yudha Kusumah   The writer studies International Human Rights and Social Development in the Graduate School of Asia Pacific studies at Waseda University
JAKARTA POST, 09 Maret 2013

  
Housing remains a burning national issue and in Jakarta, optimizing Marunda public housing will play an important part in solving the city’s environmental and social problems. To achieve this, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s administration has taken much-appreciated assertive and persuasive steps to do more than just cut red tape. 

Nevertheless, instead of harnessing tenants’ potential as responsible citizens, the current policy retains the image of low-income people as inferior, requiring subsidies and alms and being the source of societal problems, discouraging other low-income people who work hard and long to live in dignity and independence. 

The approach itself is problematic. For instance, the current unit rental subsidy has strengthened the envy of low-income tenants toward poorer people. Their hardship has been growing every day.

Yes, alms are both necessary and a good tool to lure people to move in, but without old and new tenants and participation in deciding their distribution, behavioral change will not occur. Some think that living in Marunda is a surreal experience. They make the most of it before they leave, so they strip doorknobs, cables, even move furniture and appliances out. Income cap-based tenant eligibility prohibits many law abiding and responsible citizens who wish to rent a unit because they lack the funding to pay a basic rental fee or have too much income. 

Furthermore, designating Marunda as a low-income complex separates the have-nots from the haves. It limits the opportunity for social cohesion. The poor get poorer due to lack of information about better jobs, education and health. 

Therefore, to better achieve the goals, housing citizens should be prioritized over localizing low-income groups. The former is about population transformation by encouraging people to fully exercise citizenship in the new place, while the latter is about population transfer from squatters to a new place. The former necessitates a high participation level, while the latter requires less. 

Using the former, Marunda could be the place to transform citizens, society and the environment. Without a maximum income cap, it could be a place for people with any income to start living humbly, modestly, responsibly and cohesively with other tenants as citizens. Thus, those who could be expelled from Marunda are those who are lazy and irresponsible, not the haves-nots. 

This way, the subsidy is a stimulus for transformation, not alms that pity the inferior. If the city government insists on providing subsidies, give a merit-based subsidy for all, or else give no subsidy at all. 

The government needs to incentivize responsible behavior by allowing non-monetary access to the complex, which anyone can take advantage of. It allows tenants to partly substitute and entirely pay the rent by in kind or through greater social participation. It enables tenants to allocate their money for other pressing needs, paying utility bills and opens investment to higher economic and educational rungs of the ladder. 

This is why Jakarta has to do it differently. The transformation could be done through the following ways. 

Parents who have arrears could receive deductions by proving their children’s good educational performance, so parents should never choose between paying their rent or supporting children’s schooling. This assures that the best interests of the children are fulfilled. 

House sitting allows people to stay in a unit, as an exchange they have to maintain its cleanliness, safety and keep the appliances and equipment functioning throughout their stay. This will prevent burglaries and keep public and private social investment worth of billions of rupiah sustainable.

Mimicking tax deduction through charitable contributions, participating in community work or other communal voluntary activities such as evening patrols, better waste disposal and keeping the public space and facilities clean and safe, could all be used to deduct arrears or rent fees. This way all people can take responsibility and ownership of community transformation. 

Similar to the Payment for Environmental Services, tenants who keep the environment clean and maintain public health are paid in a form of partial or full rental deductions on a monthly basis. This way, garbage separation, reuse, reduction and recycling can take place. 

A community-based mini carbon sequester scheme is also viable. Those who have cars could list how many breadwinners owning motor vehicles use their cars each day. Furthermore, if a car can carry six people, traffic congestion will be curbed. This could be used to deduct rental fees. 

For those who need the money, they could apply for rent fee cash back. The community or the management could decide the amount. This could be done if tenants pay rent on time for one year, or participate in community work. Kind and responsible tenants deserve the rewards they wish for. 

Expanded market-based approaches could also be applied by reawakening Marunda as tourist destination. Ask a famous chef to donate a special recipe for a Marunda food court seller, be it Pitung fried rice, or martabak Marunda, or any. Ask a famous artist to decorate an empty public space or ask a famous architect to add a bit of style to the local landscape. Organize a yearly Marunda festival or have TV programs air their show from Marunda public spaces. All of these ideas should be organized by the community and the management, with the profit going to rental fee deductions.

Responsible people with any income deserve proper housing, and simultaneously should conserve the environment. This will achieve national economic and social goals through social participation. The value of money may decrease over time, but citizenship should increase over time. Any housing complex could and should spearhead social, economic and environmental development. ● 

Selasa, 25 September 2012

A silent energy crisis


A silent energy crisis
Andry Yudha Kusumah ;  A PhD Student in International Human Rights and Social Development, at the Graduate School of Asia Pacific Studies, Waseda University, Japan
JAKARTA POST, 24 September 2012



Amid the energy debate on whether to conserve, convert, allocate or subsidize energy, Indonesia’s household sector energy policy has been maintaining two energy castes, the dirty and the clean. 

The dirty are those who are forced to rely on dirty, inefficient and traditional renewable energy sources to meet household energy needs for basic food preparation, including drinking, lighting and telecommunications. The clean are those who predominantly use clean, efficient and modern non-renewable energy sources to fulfill similar tasks. For years, their plights have been invisible, echoing silently as part of an ongoing, unheard energy crisis.

The dirty are statistically staggering. As assessment done by the United Nations Development Programme and the World Health Organization in 2011 indicated there were at least 100 million Indonesians who depended on dirty biomass for cooking fuel and approximately 60 million without electricity. 

Anyone who endures this situation is likely to become less formally educated, face unproductive everyday hardships, and be forced to live a subsistence lifestyle. To an extreme point, death has been an exit strategy for 45,300 Indonesians who suffered acute respiratory problems due to indoor pollution.

I have no doubt that energy policy makers and stakeholders are knowledgeable about this. But to my observation, they have to go beyond a demand and supply approach, a target based approach and infrastructural approaches. 

Instead they must focus on creating household energy independence that includes all. For so long, the focus has been on the energy needs of the clean. Reaching independence requires everyone using every available resource and I argue that placing equal importance on the dirty is good for everyone.

At first, by focusing on the dirty, Indonesia can explore and prioritize locally available endogenous energy sources. The common understanding sees renewables as an alternative to fossil energy, however, fossil energy may also be regarded as an alternative energy if its availability is less dominant than locally 
produced energy.

In the case of fuel, let us take the example of the Thai fisherman community, which made coconut oil from local coconut trees to power fishing boat motors and household electric power generators. Another example is Papua New Guinea’s Bougainville Island inhabitants, who power their diesel cars and sports utility vehicles solely on locally made coconut oil. 

In the case of electricity, take the example of bicycle generators to power basic mobile phones in Kenya where they don’t wait for local power companies to supply their grids for their villages. As for mechanical energy, take Japan, where people use bicycles for traveling within 5-10 km distance from home, instead of motorcycles or cars.  

All cases show that for household levels, human and renewable energy are the primary energy sources, while fossil fuels and local grid power lines are alternative energy sources. 

By modernizing the dirty’s energy sources, the clean can decrease their dependence on modern, non-renewable energy sources that are subject to international price mechanisms, which is good for everyone and the country.

Secondly, by focusing on the dirty, Indonesia can disband the idea of poverty as a problem, and start to think of it as a solution to find more economical and sustainable ways of people from all social strata’s enjoying the quality of life.

Take the case of simple technology electricity generation for basic telecommunication needs in Tokyo. After the Fukushima incident, portable hand-cranked cell phone chargers were on sale in Japanese electronic shops. 

They became popular because the Japanese needed to rely on themselves in times of disaster. The production cost of one unit in China is close to US$1, but in Tokyo, it was sold for $5 to $10 for each.

Another example is Nippon Basics, a Japanese company producing a large scale of pedal powered water purifiers, named Cycloclean, in Bangladesh. Their products could purify 5 liters of water per minute. The bicycle needs one person to pedal any water source and once purified, it can be sold or consumed.

Lastly, focusing on the dirty has the potential to maintain Indonesia’s national economic competitiveness.

The experiences of Singapore, Malaysia, Japan and so many rapidly economic developing countries shows that as people leave dirty sources of energy, their economy and welfare develop, making them more competitive internationally. Take the case of China, where nowadays, the Chinese are demanding a better wage to sustain increasing daily expenditure. If China cannot decrease rising energy costs, its national competitiveness, which is based on cheap labor, cannot be sustained for long.

When Indonesia can modernize the dirty’s  energy sources, make them economical and utilizable for all social strata, there is a possibility that Indonesian workers’ quality of life will increase without substantial energy problems, thus making it possible to maintain Indonesian economic competitiveness. 

Focusing on the dirty’s energy sources is good. From there it is possible to identify the missing link of Indonesia’s energy mix, human energy and locally available energy. It’s on paper, but it’s not in practice. 

Therefore, it is important to assure that the current energy policy should provide equal appreciation for more investment in the dirty’s energy sources.