Foreign
policy reforms under Jokowi
Ben Perkasa Drajat ;
A
lecturer at the Graduate School of Diplomacy,
Paramadina University, Jakarta
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JAKARTA
POST, 09 September 2014
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The
polemic about foreign policy reforms, as reflected in articles by Ambassador
Djoko Susilo, “The death of reforms in the foreign ministry” (Aug. 19) and
the Foreign Affairs Ministry’s secretary general, Ambassador Y. Kristiarto S.
Legowo, “Despite constraints, reforms alive and well at the Foreign Ministry”
(Aug. 22), only underlines the need for changes, or even the “mindset
revolution”, in foreign policy and diplomacy and how they can be realized
under the administration of president-elect Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and vice
president-elect Jusuf Kalla.
In
accordance with Jokowi-Kalla’s platform, the four center stages of Indonesian
foreign policy are maritime cooperation, Indonesia’s role as a middle power,
regionalism beyond ASEAN that positions itself within the regional
architecture of the Indo-Pacific region and the enhancement of diplomatic
resources.
In
terms of thematic approaches, the protection of Indonesian overseas workers,
public diplomacy, economic diplomacy and the issue of Palestine are among the
fundamental bedrocks of Jokowi’s foreign relations agenda.
The
“mindset revolution” in areas of diplomacy will be mutually intertwined with
the aforementioned programs on foreign policy and the foreign relations
agenda.
These
are some points of foreign policy reform that Indonesia under Jokowi’s
leadership can implement. First, reforms in human resources development are
paramount to shape quality foreign policy and diplomacy. Our pressing need is
the formulation of a Foreign Service Law, which will serve as a procedural
mechanism for diplomatic positions. Ambassadorship, for instance, is the only
state-appointed position where its designation has not yet been regulated
under a law, despite the constitutional mandate.
Ambassadorial
appointment has to be done transparently, accountably and by professional
standards. While it is indeed the president’s prerogative, the appointment of
ambassadors should not merely follow political consideration without taking
competency and merit into account. Ambassadors are expected to be appointed
largely from professionals who have the utmost familiarity and are
systemically trained to conduct diplomacy accountably. An open selection to
appoint ambassadors is urgently needed.
Personnel
assignment on all diplomatic levels should follow an open and transparent
selection process. It is hoped that during Jokowi’s presidency, the lack of
accountability and transparency in promoting and appointing foreign
ministry’s officials, including ambassadors, can be addressed.
Second,
the Foreign Ministry has to be more inclusive and open to the public. The
ministry needs to engage directly with intellectual debates and discussions
on ongoing public aspirations in all forms of implementation.
This,
for instance, also applies to personnel affairs, which require a radical
management overhaul. For instance, all career diplomats below ambassadorial
level should not strictly be recruited as civil service officials. Law No.
5/2014 on the Civil Service Apparatus made it possible for diplomats to be
non-civil state officials, formally known as “government personnel with work
contract”.
Third,
Indonesian leaders have to confidently convey their thoughts on national
positions and priorities on the global stage without much hesitation.
We
need, for instance, to come back to the time where the concept of the “New
Maritime Indonesia Declaration” was echoed. This declaration emphasized the
sovereignty and autonomy of Indonesia in all encompassing regions.
This
unilateral initiative was important in the way that it boosted national
confidence, and in so doing emanated a reciprocal understanding from the
international community that Indonesia was indeed committed to its
sovereignty, territorial integrity and new maritime cooperation.
Fourth,
there is a need to follow two parallel mainstream thoughts in the field of
substantive foreign policy. The commitment that has been agreed upon by the
outgoing administration needs to be respected.
On
one hand, the ASEAN community program, APEC, G20, World Trade Organization
(WTO), climate change, the Chiang Mai Initiative, and so forth, are subject
to continuation. On the other hand, in accordance with the spirit of change
that he himself promises to implement,
Jokowi
needs to formulate a fresh foreign policy agenda. Public attention toward
this initiative is expected to grow, to say the least. Indonesian foreign
policy under Jokowi should be able to stimulate national pride, as well as to
render protection of Indonesians overseas, in keeping with his vision and
mission objectives for the people of Indonesia.
Fifth,
Indonesia should be able to gain control of new international forum
establishments. Considering that maritime cooperation has become one of
Jokowi’s foreign policy priorities, the first agenda to that respect could be
a new maritime alliance. Indonesia has the opportunity to invite all the
archipelagic states, e.g. Japan, the Philippines, the UK, and states with
global maritime power status, e.g. the US, China, Russia, to come together and
talk on the agenda of a new international maritime order.
Sixth,
Jokowi can revamp the old romanticism of president Sukarno’s idea into a more
contemporary format. The President can, for instance, introduce his
equivalent of the Conference of the New Emerging Forces (CONEFO). While its
modality would be subject to further analysis, the start-off point would be
to formalize an “embryonic forum” of middle-power states, such as that of
MINT (Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey), which was preceded by BRICS
(Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).
Seventh,
and lastly, there have to be radical changes in the approach to economic
diplomacy. The question of institutional coordination, therefore, needs to be
properly addressed as economic cooperation becomes increasingly vital to
Indonesian diplomacy.
Jokowi
has made it clear that all Indonesian ambassadors are to take active roles in
economic negotiations.
If
economic diplomacy is to prevail under Jokowi, the now defunct Directorate
General of Economic Diplomacy within the Foreign Ministry should be
reinstated. ●
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