Failure
of reconciliation, a taster for the pawns
Adisti Sukma Sawitri ; A staff writer at The Jakarta Post
|
JAKARTA
POST, 07 Oktober 2014
|
Even
before president-elect Joko “Jokowi” Widodo is inaugurated, it has become
clear there is no easy way to run his five years of tenure.
In just
two weeks, the Red-and-White Coalition, initially built as a vessel to
nominate former army general Prabowo Subianto in the presidential election,
has cemented a parliamentary bloc against Jokowi’s coalition through the
ruthless passage of the Regional Elections (Pilkada) Law and the
establishment of new leaders at the House of Representatives.
President
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his Democratic Party have proven they are more
interested in investing in their future political clout than siding with the
people. While trying to save direct elections by issuing a government
regulation in lieu of law (Perppu) to annul the law, his goodwill has become
fruit for further skepticism.
Yudhoyono’s
party was a useful sidekick to the Red-and-White Coalition (earlier
commanding 282 seats) with their walkout during the law’s deliberation. In
the session to decide the new House leadership, the party faction — less than
half of their previous batch appearing — obtained a deputy speaker post
alongside representatives from the Red-and-White Coalition.
Therefore
Prabowo’s coalition practically commands 353 seats including the Democrat’s
61 seats, despite Yudhoyono’s claim to be a “balancing” force.
Yudhoyono’s
Perppu may now seal support from the Democrats to repeal the Pilkada Law.
However,
unlike in the previous House, in which they were the largest party, the
Democrats’ favor is currently not enough.
Jokowi’s
coalition of 207 seats is still at the mercy of Golkar Party members (91
seats), some of whom supported the direct elections during the controversial
Pilkada voting, or others from smaller parties like the National Mandate
Party (PAN) and the United Development Party (PPP).
Judicial
review petitions at the Constitutional Court to scrap articles regulating
elections via regional legislative councils (DPRDs) may promise a better
chance to amend the law.
While
Yudhoyono, the Democrats and the Red-and-White Coalition are the main
culprits for the robbery of people’s right to vote in local elections, Jokowi
and his coalition of parties led by the Indonesian Democratic Party of
Struggle (PDI-P) are also responsible for failing to show leadership after
the presidential election.
As
president-elect and the winner of the legislative election, Jokowi and the
PDI-P failed to reconcile the polarizing of the House and society caused by
the elections.
They
have placed themselves as the victor, eagerly anticipating the award — the
transfer of power from Yudhoyono’s administration — while making no real
action to bring the country together.
Securing
53 percent of about 133 million votes during the election, Jokowi and the
PDI-P have overvalued their victory. Jokowi and his running mate Jusuf Kalla
may have beaten Prabowo and Hatta Rajasa by 8 million votes, large enough to
give a decisive win even after being challenged at the Constitutional Court.
But the number is merely 6 percent of the total number of voters. Prabowo and
Hatta received support from almost half of Indonesian voters.
The
PDI-P, which garnered 18.95 percent of votes during the legislative election,
was no better a winner than Yudhoyono’s Democrats who secured 20.85 percent
in 2009.
Despite
these slim margins of victory, the PDI-P has shown no serious attempts to
gain more allies at the House. Inviting only the PPP and the PAN to its
national assembly in Semarang, party chairperson Megawati Soekarnoputri gave
both a cold welcome by reminding them that the invitations were no assurance
of ministerial posts.
Such an
ungraceful political gesture seemed even more like arrogance as Jokowi had
announced that he would give up almost half of the posts in his Cabinet to
political parties, even those from outside his coalition. Jokowi has followed
Yudhoyono’s conservative tradition of trading ministerial posts for strong
government, which seems not to be good enough for Megawati.
Megawati
as party chief and the country’s former president has refused to repair her
relationship with Yudhoyono, which has been sour for a decade ever since the
latter, once serving in her Cabinet, beat her in two presidential elections.
In a
stalled lobby between the Democratic Party and the PDI-P to form a coalition
to secure the House leadership last week, Megawati still refused to reconcile
with Yudhoyono.
Jokowi
and the PDI-P have always claimed each attack from other parties as a
betrayal of the people’s voice. What they may not realize is that winning
elections is not like a winning a jackpot. Election winners are not only
granted power, but also acquire the responsibility to protect and accommodate
every citizen and element in the country, including those who don’t support
them.
If they
are always calling for people’s action to make up for their political
ineptitude, it will be an exhausting five years for citizens. Efforts to
challenge the Pilkada Law at the Constitutional Court may only be a start.
Each parliamentary failure at the House may spawn another unpopular law
ahead. In the end, voters are left to save themselves from the harm of the
failures.
Praising
Jokowi and the PDI-P and condemning those who oppose him will not help the
presidentelect to win any cause. Jokowi and the PDI-P should avoid using
people as their political pawn like the Red-and-White Coalition did when they
revoked direct elections in the Pilkada Law.
In order
to do this, Jokowi should initiate a bold move to start reconciliation. As
the next president, he should make sure that when he makes a decision, he
considers all Indonesian citizens, not only his voters, or even his political
party.
Because each time he disappoints his people, he wilts another hope in
their hearts. ●
|
