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Minggu, 04 November 2012

Shaping or shaking partnership


Shaping or shaking partnership
Peni Hanggarini ;  The writer, a lecturer at the department of international relations, Paramadina University in Jakarta, is a Fulbright-DIKTI doctoral student in the Department of political science, Northern Illinois University, Illin
JAKARTA POST, 03 November 2012



The US presidential election is around the corner. The two candidates, incumbent President Barack Obama and Governor Mitt Romney, have tried to attract voters through series of rallies, debates and political ads. 
In the final week of the presidential race the two candidates were confronted by the Frankenstorm Sandy. On Tuesday, in the aftermath of the hurricane, Romney visited Dayton, Ohio relief center, while Obama visited the Washington DC Red Cross Headquarters. 

However, it is the last fierce debate about foreign policy at Lynn University in Boca Raton between them which has most captured the attention of the public at home and abroad. The debate partly reflects the direction of future US foreign policy to American voters and the international community.

What message has the foreign policy debate sent to US friends and allies in the other parts of the world? 

First, both Romney and Obama have tried to illustrate the close link between domestic and foreign politics. The two argue that once the US government is secure domestically, it will be capable and confident in executing foreign policy. 

The maintenance of US leadership of the international community will be more influenced by domestic concern. Thus, future foreign policy could focus mainly on “intermestic” issues, the merging of international and domestic issues.

The foreign policy debate focused mainly on trade with China, the Benghazi attack, the Iranian nuclear program, troop withdrawal in Afghanistan, the political turmoil in the Middle East and relations with Russia and Israel. 

However, the overall debate revealed more agreement, such as the US troop withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2014, than disagreement. 

Romney tried to highlight the failures of Obama’s foreign policy. By focusing on the strength of domestic economy, Romney’s projection is that he can maintain the US leadership at the international level.

Obama tried to underline how his foreign policy has achieved some success and emphasized that foreign policy is an instrument to keep Americans safe. 

The debate involved accusations from each candidate about accuracies in one another’s statements. For instance, Romney accused Obama of not promptly responding the Benghazi terrorists attack because he was busy with his campaign. 

Second, Obama’s position as incumbent and commander in chief gives him an advantage in foreign policy. Obama is more confident because in his view the US is much stronger now than when he took office. Hence, we will not expect any major policy shifts if Obama is reelected, while we can expect less multilateral cooperation if Romney wins the election.

Obama only mentioned Asia once, and Romney did not even mention the region as a future world economic power. Although the US and Indonesia have had great relations in the second term of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Obama did not even refer the progress of US bilateral relations with Indonesia, the largest Muslim nation in the world. This omission might indicate that Indonesia is not a landmark on the Obama administration’s foreign policy map.

Third, the way the candidates perceive security threats may indicate countries that are potential partners and enemies and whether the US will use force, sanctions, or soft approaches in dealing with future threats.

While Obama argued that terrorist networks are major security threats, Romney asserted that the Iranian nuclear program is the most significant threat to the US and international security.

These divergent perceptions of security threats and the instruments to confront them reflect the potential directions of future policy, but it does not actually reveal the candidates’ platforms. Discussed policies might not be executed when the candidate becomes the leader of the Western world.

Although the President leads the process, other actors may influence his decision making. It is necessary therefore to observe national security and foreign policy experts who will be in his inner circle, serving as his national security advisers

The issue is not whether Indonesia will be better off if Obama or Romney wins. It is a matter of how Indonesia can take the initiative to gain relative advantages from the new US administration. 

The Obama administration has been more oriented toward multilateral cooperation than the Bush administration.

The new administration will determine either the US continues with Obama’s foreign policy goals through partnership or it shakes the existing pattern. 

Rabu, 01 Februari 2012

The US turning point and its impact on Indonesia


The US turning point and its impact on Indonesia
Peni Hanggarini, A LECTURER AT THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, PARAMADINA UNIVERSITY JAKARTA; PHD STUDENT AT THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, NORTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY
Sumber : JAKARTA POST, 31 Januari 2012


The United States has turned a new page in 2012 with a strategic policy that could shape a different US posture. Based on the policy, the US will be less prone to wars after officially pulling out of Iraq. This assumption is supported by President Barack Obama’s announcement of a nearly US$500 billion cut to the 2013 defense budget.

The final decision to call an end to the Iraq war has raised the question about whether the troop withdrawal created instability in Iraq. Soon after the withdrawal, 16 bombings occurred across the country and the bomb attacks escalated. While it is true that the task of maintaining security and stability is now solely in the hands of the Iraqi government, many argue that the US has won militarily but not achieved stability in Iraq.

John Mearsheimer of the University of Chicago argues that a US presence is essential to create a stable, democratic Iraq.  In contrast to the US departure from Vietnam, Mearsheimer says, the US has left Iraq with a dysfunctional government.

In spite of the debate over the US presence in Iraq, the war is over. While the Obama administration has not handed the details of the defense budget cut to Congress, the new strategy reveals the US plan to deploy a more advanced technological defense strategy and reduce the number of ground forces, rather than air and naval forces. The plan also indicates that the US will focus its foreign policy objectives more on Asia.

With the change in strategy, Washington obviously needs partners to collaborate in achieving its foreign policy in Asia. Most Asian countries are likely to serve as effective partner candidates in diplomatic rather than military efforts. The US would confirm its commitment by using less military force.

US partnership with some countries in the region should not be difficult since President Obama has already built friendly relations with most countries in the region, including Southeast Asian nations. The US will become closer to Singapore, a long term-ally, and Indonesia, one of the US’ strategic partners. The US will continuously need more Asian allies and partners in this post-Iraq war period in the wake of China’s assertiveness.

However, China should not be seen as the only reason for the US change of policy toward Asia. With its new strategy, the US appears to be preparing to confront different types of states and diversified threats in Asia.

The US would confront the region, which is full of traditional security threats and challenges such as border disputes, transnational organized crime issues, and non-traditional security threats. However, by focusing on Asia, the US in turn would gain the opportunity to open more of its economy to the rest of Asia, not only to the “tigers”, China, Japan, South Korea and Singapore. This is an urgent step that the US needs to make at this point in time.

Additionally, after the US has concluded its military missions in Iraq and Afghanistan, anti-Americans are still likely to remain in these countries if the US government lacks strategies to win the hearts and minds of the countries in the region. Joseph S. Nye’s (2011) concept of Smart Power, which suggests that the combination of state resources produces solid culturally diplomatic strategies, is now more relevant for the US.

In this year’s election cycle, the turning point in the US’ strategic policy abroad and its domestic policy, could influence other countries’ approaches and the international system. Thus, the US diplomatic efforts in handling international affairs should promote the use of a diplomatic approach by other countries.

It is important to analyze how the US translates the turning point when dealing with countries and regions of conflict. In negotiating with countries such as Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan and North Korea, the US may still be tempted to use military options. If the US seeks to engage militarily with Asia, it must adopt a peaceful approach. But if the US opts to engage politically, through military strategy, another conflict may arise.

A lower profile in US defense and foreign policies will be more obvious in the future. But this still should be seen as a cautious response to the transition to international security and stability. The implementation of any type of diplomatic approach does not necessarily guarantee the creation of security.

As a strategic partner, Indonesia should view the new US policy toward Asia as an opportunity to broaden economic and security cooperation based on mutual benefit. The US-Indonesia bilateral security and defense cooperation in particular might have been more intense otherwise.

After a decade of internal military reform, Indonesia is now ready for military hardware modernization. The bilateral defense cooperation with the US would complement the process. However, it is too early to identify the real benefit because of the changing defense posture of the US toward Indonesia. Thus, Indonesia needs to be cautious in responding to policy shifts.

Indonesia must also be cautious of potential transition in Asia itself that could have immediate consequences on the security and stability of the region. This year, the Myanmar election and the progress of the succession in North Korea are two examples that might compromise the peace that Indonesia has promoted in the region thus far.