Diplomacy
for maritime fulcrum
Darmansjah Djumala ; The director
general and head of policy analysis
and development at the Foreign Ministry
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JAKARTA
POST, 09 Februari 2015
President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo has announced his vision to
transform Indonesia into a maritime axis. To work with other countries to
forge maritime-based cooperation, Indonesia should elucidate further what
this vision is all about. Countries such as China, the US, Germany, Japan,
South Korea, Norway and India have shown interest in Indonesia’s maritime
fulcrum. But what should we cooperate on? Maritime affairs are inherently
multidimensional and multisector in their operation. The maritime fulcrum
must be construed in three dimensions, in which partnerships with other countries
can be fostered.
First we should ensure how Indonesia exerts complete
sovereignty over its territorial waters along with sovereign rights over its
natural resources in the exclusive economic zone. This has been enshrined in
international law with the 1982 UN Convention of the Law of the Seas.
Although Indonesia has set its own maritime borders in conformity with the
international law, delineating maritime borders still requires negotiations
with neighboring countries.
Indonesia has maritime borders with 10 countries, the
demarcation of some of which are still in negotiation. Undertaking diplomacy
for the maritime axis signifies that Indonesia should expedite the settlement
of its maritime borders with its neighbors. The clarity and certainty of maritime
borders as well as the ownership of the small outer islands would help
promote cooperation in shipping, fisheries and other maritime-resource
development.
Certainty of maritime borders is also critical when it
comes to law enforcement, for instance sinking boats caught fishing
illegally. Indonesia is very decisive in imposing its policy on illegal
fishing because Indonesia is convinced that the foreign vessels trespass in
its territorial waters, which necessitates unambiguous maritime borders.
Other countries may also impose stern measures against our
fishermen who catch fish in their territory. To avert unnecessary diplomatic
incidents, Indonesian fishermen must be cognizant of the maritime borders
between Indonesia and its neighbors so they do not trespass in the
territorial seas of other states. Providing information to fisherman is an
integral part of efforts to fit the maritime axis into the mold of diplomacy.
Second is the security dimension. Indonesia should not
only act as the center of maritime dynamics and economic activity between two
continents and two oceans but should also take great responsibility. If
Indonesia wants to be a center of maritime activity in the region, then we
should guarantee that our territorial and adjacent waters are safe.
There are at least two types of security threats in
Indonesian maritime territory. First are crimes at sea such as smuggling and
piracy and second is the menace that stems from interstate conflicts such as
territorial disputes. Diplomacy regarding security can be done through
mediating the territorial conflict in the South China Sea.
With the US rebalancing policy in East Asia, especially
with intensifying defense cooperation with Vietnam and the Philippines, China
undoubtedly will not just stay put. With its economic and military prowess,
China will react to the balancing policies of the US. If the US’ rebalancing
policy and China’s counteraction are not shrewdly calculated, conflict
escalation will be inevitable.
Indonesia and other ASEAN members who have no claim over
the disputed territory (the non-claimant states) can play the role of
mediator between the US and China; thus concluding the code of conduct
proposed by Indonesia must be expedited. If Indonesia wishes to be the
maritime fulcrum in the region, it needs to suppress the conflict potential
in the South China Sea as much as possible through diplomacy.
Third is the prosperity dimension. This suggests that
Indonesia has to boost its economy not only by taking advantage of maritime
resources but also maritime dynamics and interaction in the Asia-Pacific
region. Based on the estimate of the former maritime affairs and fisheries
minister, Rokhmin Dahuri, Indonesian maritime potential can contribute up to
US$1.2 trillion to annual national income, among others from fisheries,
mining, energy, shipping and tourism.
Economic dynamics in Southeast Asia is projected to
skyrocket as the result of the shifting economic gravity from the
Trans-Atlantic to the Asia Pacific. Indonesia can reap the benefits from its
geographical fate . Just imagine, almost 70 percent of world trade takes
place around the Asia Pacific, of which approximately 45 percent passes
through Indonesia’s archipelago.
Thus, connectivity is of paramount importance not only between
domestic ports but also with other major ASEAN harbors. Indonesia should
harness all of its diplomatic machinery to draw investment and funding from
its partner countries for the construction of maritime infrastructure,
shipyards and fishing industry. Hence, we need an Indonesian maritime
development blueprint as a guideline for maritime diplomacy. This blueprint
should act as a reference for diplomats to determine with what countries and
in what sectors maritime cooperation should be promoted.
Next, how should we instill the idea of maritime fulcrum
into diplomacy? To get support from its economic partners, Indonesia should
promulgate maritime issues, particularly the maritime fulcrum, in
international organizations. This can be done through mainstreaming the
maritime issue in international deliberation.
It should be done first at the regional level, such as
through ASEAN and the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). Out of the six
IORA pillars of cooperation, only two are directly related to maritime issues
— maritime security and fishery management. In fact, maritime affairs are far
more overarching than these two matters. Indonesia should have robust
maritime connectivity, including with other IORA members.
When the Malacca Strait becomes too saturated in terms of
shipping volume, the shipping route from Europe, Africa and the Middle East
to East Asia will shift to the Sunda Strait.
The ports in southwest Sumatra, Lampung and Belitung will
become more strategic for international shipping. We must also magnify the
maritime issues within IORA. The momentum for that is just around the corner:
Indonesia will assume the chairmanship of IORA by the end of this year. With
that chairmanship, Indonesia must take a role to bolster the mutual reinforcement
of diplomacy and maritime fulcrum. ●
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