A
new oil and gas law for people’s welfare
Rahmad Pribadi ;
Founder
and director Indonesian oil company PPRL Group
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JAKARTA
POST, 15 September 2014
The
oil and gas law (Law No. 22/2001) has been challenged in the Constitutional
Court (MK) many times since 2004. The most recent challenge was on Nov. 13,
2012, when the MK ruled that the Upstream Oil and Gas Executive Agency (BP
Migas), was unconstitutional.
Having
a law that has articles ruled unconstitutional is a sign of poor governance.
Poor governance in the oil and gas industry could risk national energy
security, which would severely hamper the government’s ability to provide
better welfare for Indonesians. Thus, it is crucial for newly elected
President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to make sure that a new law is enacted soon.
Energy
security is a complex, multi-factor issue. It goes beyond energy
independence. It is not an issue that can be defined based on the assumption
of self-sufficiency and autarky. In most cases, energy security depends on
where, in the geopolitics of energy, a country stands.
A
constitutional mandate to the elected president is to create welfare for
Indonesians. Energy security plays an important role in creating welfare by
ensuring sustainable economic growth.
In
Indonesia (and in most countries in the world), the governance of the oil and
gas industry is a key element in energy security.
Poor
governance has caused the Indonesian oil and gas industry to perform poorly
in all aspects. On the production side, oil production has declined
continually since 1995, despite a surge in global oil production in the same
period. Oil reserves have not increased. Indonesia’s proven oil reserves have
fallen by 1.9 billion barrels since 1992. Meanwhile, our closest neighbor,
Malaysia, has increased its proven reserves by 2.2 billion barrels.
Neither
do we fare any better on the consumption side. Large fuel subsidies have
created a significant hole in the state budget. An increase in fuel
consumption and volatile fuel prices have caused the energy subsidy portion
of the state budget to double since 2010. In 2010, the energy subsidy
accounted for about 8.45 percent of the budget; this had risen to about 18
percent in 2013.
There
is also the issue of gas infrastructure. Poor gas infrastructure has hindered
a substantial increase in the portion of gas in the energy mix. Current
domestic gas consumption is barely half that of oil. This is much less than
the government’s targeted energy mix, which sets gas consumption as high as
150 percent of oil.
Another
issue to consider is unconventional hydrocarbon. Indonesia’s unconventional
hydrocarbon is currently dominated by coal bed methane (CBM). Even so, CBM
production in Indonesia is still very low and it does not represent its true
potential. Indonesia’s CBM resources are among the 10 largest in the world.
Indonesia has approximately 453 trillion cubic feet (tcf) CBM, almost triple
its proven natural gas reserves. However, production is still very limited.
Currently there are only four CBM-producing areas.
In
the global arena, unconventional hydrocarbon has shifted the geopolitics of
energy. Energy resources are known to be regionally concentrated. For many
years, hydrocarbon resources were concentrated in Asia and Africa. But with
recent developments in unconventional hydrocarbon, this is no longer true. In
2002, North America’s proven oil reserve only accounted for about 5 percent
of the world’s total.
Today,
with unconventional reserves in play, North America’s oil reserve is higher
than the proven conventional oil reserve of the rest of the world.
Conventional
reserves are getting harder to find. In Indonesia, most of the potential
reserves are located in frontier areas, such as ultra-deep water. Only a few
companies in the world have the technical know-how and financial strength to
explore hydrocarbon in deep-sea areas. Chevron’s ultra-deep water project is
the country’s first.
But
due to uncertainty with government approval, this project is now in jeopardy.
Looking at the technological and commercial challenges of pursuing major
conventional reserves, it is more logical for the government to push for the
development of unconventional sources.
The
standard Production Sharing Contract (PSC) concept also needs to be
revisited. Most countries that are using the PSC mechanism have advanced its
legal structure. Some are using hybrid systems, where the government has a
certain percentage of ownership in the operator company. While the
government, through its business proxies, is involved in the daily management
of the contract area.
Employing
a different contract system for conventional and unconventional hydrocarbon
may be necessary. Unconventional hydrocarbon involves different extraction
techniques and technology. Unfortunately, these technologies, such as
fracking, have an environmental impact that many environmentalists oppose.
Thus,
the risk and reward for unconventional hydrocarbon may be significantly different
to that of conventional reserves. As such, a different contract system could
be introduced to accelerate the production of unconventional hydrocarbon.
Another
barrier to investment in hydrocarbon development is bureaucracy as related to
operation permits and licenses. Currently there are more than 250 permits and
licenses that an oil company needs to operate. Many of these are a result of
the unclear segregation of authority between the central and regional
governments. As a result, many projects are potentially delayed and thus
production is hampered.
Last,
but not least, is the issue of regulator. After BP Migas was disbanded by the
Constitutional Court, a new unit was formed. This unit is currently
structured under the Energy and Mineral Resources (ESDM) Ministry. There is
no question that having this regulatory board under the ESDM Ministry gives
it better coordination with other energy sectors, such as electricity and
coal.
However,
since it was established by a presidential decree, and not by law, its legal
standing can be challenged. If this were to happen, there would be legal
chaos; which would make oil companies hesitant about further investments in
Indonesia.
All
of these issues urgently need to be addressed by the new law. The outgoing house
will most likely not be able to complete deliberation of the new oil and gas
bill before it ends its tenure later next month. Many people in the industry
doubt that the new oil and gas law can be enacted soon, or that the new law
would be comprehensive enough to cover all the important aspects outlined
above.
Yes,
indeed, that doubt may prevail if Jokowi approaches this legislation with a
business as usual attitude. But isn’t that the reason we voted for Jokowi,
because we believe he will make breakthroughs, do things differently and get
things done effectively? Let’s hope that he delivers. ●
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