Take
Aim, fire at will :
Australian
hypocrisy on a high pedestal
Pierre Marthinus ; Executive director for the Marthinus Academy in Jakarta
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JAKARTA
POST, 24 Januari 2015
The Australian media is engaged in a surreal form of
hypocrisy by criticizing the execution of those convicted of drug trafficking
in Indonesia. Canberra’s exceptionalism stands out as it puts its double
standards with respect to human lives and dignity on a high pedestal,
problematizing the death penalty only when Australians are put before the
firing squad.
First, Indonesian state treatment of convicted drug
traffickers differs only slightly from Australia’s treatment of asylum
seekers. Asylum seekers desperately trying to seek refuge in Australia and
convicted drug traffickers vacationing in Bali are similar “abject bodies”:
individuals that the sovereign state does not want and plans to effectively
and efficiently dispose of.
In a nutshell, the only difference between Indonesian and
Australian treatment of “abject bodies” lies merely in each country’s
preferred legal methods and the distance considered comfortable and
acceptable by its public.
Indonesia provides open and accessible trials, opportunities
for appeal, sympathetic media coverage, rehabilitation programs and a chance
at being granted presidential clemency.
On the other hand, Australia seemingly prefers secretive
on-the-spot extra-judicial actions, better known as “on-sea-matters” that the
Abbott government refuses to comment on.
Furthermore, Indonesia prefers openly using its own firing
squad, having solid legal justification and being fully accountable for the
lives it takes.
Meanwhile, Australia prefers the outsourcing and subcontracting
of their deeds to private companies and offshoring them to distant locations
that are conveniently out of sight and out of the mind of its public, such as
Manus Island, Nauru and Cambodia.
In July 2014, the forced return of Australian-bound refugees
to Sri Lanka also indicated that Canberra is content with practices bordering
on “forced disappearance” of civilians at sea while effectively breaching
international legal principles of non-refoulement, the UN Refugee Convention
and UN Convention against Torture.
Asylum seekers, sometimes including children, in
Australian detention facilities have undergone hunger strikes, sewn their
lips shut, inflicted self-harm and attempted suicide, swallowed razorblades
and even burned themselves to death in protest at the “Australian solution”.
Currently, 700 asylum seekers are on hunger strike in
Manus Island. Two asylum seekers from the camp, Reza Barati and Hamid
Kehazaei, have already died but not a single asylum seeker has been
successfully resettled to date. This makes the facility more of a death camp
than a resettlement camp.
Second, insistence on saving individual Australians misses
the bigger picture which should be the abolition of the death penalty and
upholding human dignity in Indonesia, Australia and beyond. When former
president Yudhoyono left his presidency, he controversially granted Schapelle
Corby parole.
His act of conceited generosity fostered Australian
exceptionalism, giving the impression that the death penalty is avoidable by
turning convicted Australians into media darlings, concluding backroom
negotiations, having your appeal heard by the president and finding legal
loopholes that Australians can exploit.
Before concerned Australians can start seeing the bigger
picture and join ranks with like-minded liberals and reformists in Indonesia,
Australian parents will continue to worry about their youth vacationing in
Bali, knowing that once caught experimenting with recreational drugs, their
loved ones might be sent to the firing squad.
Third, implying that executions will affect bilateral
relations to the disadvantage of Indonesia is ridiculous. Former Australian
prime minister John Howard and opposition leader Simon Crean were not opposed
to the execution of convicted terrorists Amrozi bin Nurhasyim and Imam
Samudra in 2008 and Canberra, through its counterterrorism aid, had actually
subsidized the bullets used to execute them.
Australian media coverage of their executions was
surprisingly detailed and even savored many of its graphic moments.
Australia’s main ally, the United States, enforces the death penalty in the
majority of its states and one of Canberra’s largest trading partners and
paymaster, China, performs one of the highest numbers of executions worldwide
and has only stopped harvesting organs from executed prisoners this year. If
anything, Australian hypocrisy and exceptionalism risks worsening its public
image in Indonesia as a neighbor that not only disrespects international law
and Indonesia’s borders, but now also Indonesian law and legal corridors.
Australian government appeals are neither heroic nor
heartfelt; Canberra is merely trying to save their own “subject bodies” from
the firing squad, while slowly disposing of “abject bodies” it does not want
through inhumane detention camps or returning them to foreign regimes that
will probably finish the job for them. Indonesia paying “blood money” to save
the “subject bodies” of Indonesian domestic workers in Saudi Arabia from
beheading is no less hypocritical as these efforts are done against the
backdrop of killing off “abject bodies” that were once warmly received as
guests in Bali.
Australia and Indonesia betray human rights and violate
human dignity alike by abusing the criminalized and illegal “abject bodies”
in surprisingly similar ways, differing only in their preferred legal methods
and comfortable distance acceptable to their respective publics.
All lives
matter greatly, not just Australian ones. Any debate that does not start from
these fundamental premises of equality of human life and dignity is not worth
visiting and is a waste of the Indonesian public’s valuable attention and
time. ●
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