Jakarta’s
godfather and development sustainability
Amalinda Savirani ;
A
lecturer in politics and government studies at Gajah Mada University,
Yogyakarta; currently completing her PhD at the University of Amsterdam
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JAKARTA
POST, 13 September 2014
An
interview with Deputy Jakarta Governor Basuki “Ahok” Tjahja Purnama with The
Jakarta Post last month, was titled “Ahok: I am the new Godfather”.
The
statement was made based on his response regarding regulating street vendors
in the capital, who he would allow to operate on sidewalks and in parks as
long as they followed the future rules.
This
notion would be in violation of existing regulations, in which vendors cannot
legally operate on sidewalks.
Ahok’s
statement brings us to a discussion on the nature of leadership in a
developing Jakarta.
The
interview gives us the impression that Ahok wants to us to believe he is a
strong leader and that he will use his power and other means to issue and
implement any policies he wishes, including those related to street vendors.
His type of leadership seems to be the “one-man show”. He is not special in
this.
Survey
results from research collaboration between Gadjah Mada University (UGM) and
Oslo University under the project “Power, Welfare and Democracy”, published
earlier this year, indicate the increasing trend of “figure-based politics”
as a leadership style in Indonesia over the past years and seemingly into the
years to come.
Figure-based
politics refers to the rise of individuals who assume public office at the
local level (governors, mayors and regents) with the following
characteristics: a) minimum links to political parties and grassroots movements,
b) maximum links to a loose and ad-hoc supporter base, and c) minimum use of
existing support from local administrators and the bureaucratic system to
implement policies when they get elected.
Figures
such as Jakarta governor and President-elect Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, Ahok
himself, Surabaya Mayor Tri Rismaharini and Bandung Mayor Ridwan Kamil
emerged on the public stage with these three features.
Figure-based
politics emerges due to the stagnation of political institutions, mainly
political parties, and the incompetency of administrators.
Parties
fail to play their function in grooming members to assume public positions.
They
are also dominated by a small elite circle, or oligarchies. This makes it
difficult for parties to welcome new individuals and ideas.
When
these leaders reach public office, they have to deal with internal
bureaucracies. Bureaucracy reform is often stagnated: there have been great
difficulties in getting administrators and bureaucratic apparatuses to work
efficiently and effectively to keep up with the speed of the new local
leaders.
Most
of the leaders have new visions, which demand new strategies to implement
them.
Ahok
is known as being very strict and direct regarding the incompetency of
Jakarta’s administrators. His staff meetings, in which he scolds his staff,
are freely available for viewing on YouTube.
On
the other hand, social movements, which can be an arena to groom leaders,
have become severely fragmented. As a result, it has been difficult for social
movements in general to promote any alternative people to fill public
positions.
Thus,
the rise of figure-based politics is a logical consequence of weak democratic
institution building, including political parties and grassroots movements,
since reformasi and the difficulty of pushing any policies apart from routine
ones in the government system.
There
is a good and bad side to figure-based or individual politics. This type of
leadership can speed up policy making because the leaders are willing to cut
through red tape.
They
can also push administrators to speed up their work and deliver shock therapy
to those in dire need of behavioral change.
However,
this type of leadership can also be dangerous for program sustainability, as
well as for popular support.
Public
office positions are political positions, with a given period between direct
elections.
A
policy for street vendors in Jakarta, for instance, affects the urban poor in
particular for decades. It means the governor would need to ensure that his
program would last, preferably beyond his term.
To
do that, support from the local administrators would be needed to make sure
the whole administration was working together to realize the policy.
Without
that, the program could be easily hijacked by various means — usually
technicalities such as delays, ignoring letters that need to be stamped and
sent.
Here
we can learn from James Scott, a scholar who studied peasants, on the weapons
of the weak, who stated that the weakest, including the lowest of city
mandarins, can resist in their modest way.
Policy
efficiency can be dangerous because it tends to exclude people, the urban
poor in this context, from policy-making. Efforts to include public
participation only focus on listening to public voices, not assuring their
inclusion in policy content.
Participation
as a technique to involve people guarantees process, not results. This is
because participation in policy-making takes up time and is thus inefficient.
What
matters most in figure-based leadership is how the leaders can ensure the
sustainability of their policies, rather than a quick policy process that may
later result in the end of their policy and programs once they are no longer
in office. ●
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